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Bureau of Science 

Division of Ethnology Publications 

Volume IV, Part II 








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L^^oc^fs-. STW 

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[1] 109 

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^ — 

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PART 11 


Preface 117 

Chapter I 

Geographical Description of the Sulu Archipelago 121 

In general _ 121 

Island of Sulu - „... 127 

Geographical features ^ - 127 

Principal coast settlements ....:..... 129 

Districts of the island - ~ 131 

Town of Jolo - - 133 

General plan, buildings and streets - 133 

Trade 137 

Population - ~ 144 

Chapter II 

Genealogy of Sulu 147 

Translator's introduction ~ 147 

Sulu author's introduction - 147 

Descendants of Asip ~ _ - 148 

Descendants of Tuan Masha'ika 149 

Original and later settlers of Sulu 149 

Sulu historical notes ~ 151 

Introduction ~ 151 

Sulu notes „ - 152 

Chapter III 

Rise and Prosperity of Sulu 155 

Sulu before Islam - „ 155 

Introduction of Islam and the rise of a Mohammedan dynasty in Sulu.. 158 
Establishment of the Mohammedan Church in Sulu and the reign of 

Abu Bakr 161 

Early days of the sultanate 163 

Successors of Abu Bakr 163 

Figueroa's expedition against Sulu 164 

Reasons for hostilities - 168 . 

Rule of Batara Shah Tangah 171 

Figueroa's expedition against Mindanao 172 

Moro raids 175 

First Spanish conquest and occupation of Sulu 177 

Sulu supremacy in the Archipelago _ 179 

Successors of Bungsu 179 

Reign of Sultan Alimud Din 1 180 

Reign of Sultan Israel _ 187 

Moro pirates 191 


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Rise and Prosperity of Sulu — Continued. Page. 

Treaty of 1836 with the Sultan of Sulu 194 

Text of the treaty 194 

Ratification of the treaty by the Queen Regent of Spain 196 

£}q>edition of Governor Claveria - 199 

Visits to Jolo of Captain Henry Keppel and Sir James Brooke 201 

Chapter IV 

Decline of Sulu ~ 206 

Expedition against Jolo 205 

Treaty of April 30, 1861 209 

Translation of the Sulu text of the treaty of 1861 212 

Politico-military government of Mindanao and adjacent islands 214 

Chapter V 

Sulu under Spanish Sovereignty 221 

Occupation of Jolo 221 

Rule of Sultan Jamalul A'lam .-. _ „ 224 

Cession of possessions in Borneo to British North Borneo Com- 
pany _ 225 

Treaty of July, 1878 _ .' 226 

Translation of the Spanish copy of the treaty 227 

'Translation of the Sulu text of the treaty 229 

Rule of Sultan Badarud Din II „... 233 

Struggle for the sultanate > 237 

Rule of Sultan Harun _ 240 

Rule of Sultan Jamalul Kiram II 244 

Chapter VI 

Conclusion « 247 

Political status of Sulu at the time of Spanish evacuation 247 

Spanish policy 249 

Attitude of the Moros ^ 249 

Mistakes and difficulties of Spanish rule _ 251 

Report of Baltasar Giraudier 254 

Views of Espina ^ 255 

Purpose of Spain 256 

Resources of Spain „ 260 


Appendix I. The pacification of Mindanao by Ronquillo 269 

II. The pacification of Mindanao „ 275 

III. The Moro raids of 1599 and 1600 279 

^ IV. Gallinato's expedition to Jolo 283 

V. Olaso*8 expedition in 1629 289 

VI. Corcuera's campaign in Jolo 291 

VII. Obando's report on the preparations to be undertaken to 

return Alimud Din to Sulu ^ 305 

VIII. Obando's report on the circumstances attending the attempt 

to return Alimud Din to Sulu 307 

IX. Report on the occupation of Palawan and Balabak 313 


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Appendix X. A brief report on the expedition to take possession of Palawan 317 

XI. The letter of the King of Spain to Sultan Israel 319 

XII. Letter from the captain -general of the Philippines forwarding 
a copy of the treaty of peace, protection, and commerce 
with Sulu „ 321 

XIII. Royal directions relative to commerce with Sulu, and the 

advisability of making Zamboanga a free port 325 

XIV. Camba*s report on the circumstances attending the treaty of 

1836 and its bases „ ^ 333 

XV. Camba's report on commerce with Sulu and the advisability 

of making Zamboanga a free port „ 339 

XVI. Communication from the governor of Zamboanga to the su- 
preme government of the Philippines, relative to the treaty 

of Sir James Brooke with the Sultan of Sulu 345 

XVII. Communication from the supreme government of the Philip- 
pines to the secretary of state, relative to the treaty of 

Sir James Brooke with the Sultan of Sulu 355 

XVIII. Regulations relative to taxes and imposts on natives and 

immigrants in Sulu _... 359 

XIX. The protocol of Sulu, of 1877, between Spain, Germany, and 

Great Britain 307 

XX. The protocol of Sulu of 1885, between Spain, Germany, and 

Great Britain 371 

XXI. Decree of the general government in regard to payment of 

tribute by Sulus 375 

XXII. Royal communications relative to the rights of foreigners to 

the pearl fisheries of Sulu 377 

XXI II. Royal directions relative to the treatment of foreigners en- 

gaged in pearl fishing in the Sulu waters 383 

XXIV. La Torre's views on the policy tliat should be adopted in 

Mindanao and Sulu 385 


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Map I. The Sulu Archipelago Frontispiece 

Facing page — 
II. Sulu Island 128 

III. Sketch of Jolo before 1888 134 

IV. Sketch of Jolo at the present time 134 

Diagram 1. Sultans and royal datus of Sulu 158 

2. Datus of Sulu not descended from Abu Bakr 158 


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The first object sought in the search for the Genealogy of Snlu was a 
knowledge of those significant historical events of Sulu which antedated 
the Spanish discovery and conquest of the Philippine Islands, the con- 
nection which those events might have had with the earlier history of 
the other islands and the light that they might throw upon the subject 
of prehistoric Malayan immigration to the Archipelago. The tarsila 
(genealogies)^ of Mindanao show that events of considerable importance 
had occurred in the Archipelago, especially in the south, long before the 
Portuguese or the Spaniards reached Malaysia. Some tribes, such as 
the Samals, we were told, had emigrated from western Malaysia to the 
Sulu Archipelago and Mindanao, and indications were not wanting that 
probably other tribes, now inhabiting the Philippine Islands, came from 
the same place. Further, information was desired relative to the moham- 
medanization of Sulu and the possible connection that such a movement 
might have had with the introduction of Islam into Sumatra and 

The research so conducted was well rewarded. The history of Sulu 
was traced as far back as the early days of its oldest settlements, and the 
organization of the nation was followed back to the primitive com- 
munities out of which the Sulu nation has grown. Records of early 
Malayan expeditions and of communication between Sulu and Mindanao 
were traced to the earliest missionaries who reached these Islands by the 
way of Malacca, and through whom the sultanates of Mindanao and 
Sulu were organized on plans similar to those of Malacca and Palembang. 
A fuller account of the life history and work of these missionaries will 
be given in a later paper of this series. We here give only a narrative 
of the events in which they participated and the part they played in 
making ^the history of Sulu proper. 

Many difficulties were encountered in the effort to secure an authentic 
copy of the Genealogy of Sulu. Several trips of 20 to 40 miles were 
made in small Moro sailing craft to visit datus who were said to have 
copies of this document. The Sulu authorities who had the manuscript 
or copies of it denied this fact from time to time, but after two 
years and a half of persistent endeavor and inquiry, the original ma- 
nuscript was procured from the prime minister of the Sultan of Sulu, 

1 See Ethnological Survey Publications, Vol. IV, Pt. I, p. 11. 


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whose confidence was gained by a long period of intimate acquaintance 
and frequent communication. Soon after that, the Annals of Sulu (the 
Luntar) were obtained from the sultan and some facts of importance 
were learned and made use of in the course of this work. Diligent 
effort was further made to collect all interesting Sulu traditions and 
documents, and most of the best informed Sulus living were interviewed. 
Of these the author feels under special obligation to mention Sheikh 
Mustafa bin Ahmad, formerly prime minister to Sultan Harun; Hadji 
Butu, prime minister of the present Sultan of Sulu; Datu Pangiran; and 
Hadji Mohammed Tayib, one of the principal advisers of the present 

After the first object sought had been gained, it became apparent 
that a general public interest in Sulu and Mindanao had been growing 
rapidly. It therefore seemed advisable to complete the history of Sulu 
up to the date of Spanish evacuation, for no such work has as yet been 
published in the English language. It is of special interest to Americans 
living in Mindanao and Sulu and of general interest to Americans and 
others elsewhere to have a better imderstanding of the Moros in general 
and to acquire some idea of the history of Islam in the Philippine Is- 
lands. This the history of Sulu makes possible for the reader in a most 
vivid and realistic manner. The history is written without prejudice 
or bias, and events are related as they appear in the light of facts, and 
by one capable of seeing things from the standpoint of a Sulu as well as 
of a Spaniard. 

Nothing reveals the true character of a nation, its capabilities, ten- 
dencies, and resources, better than its history. There is no time when 
such general intimate knowledge of a people is more interesting and more 
needed than during the period of their regeneration, and there can be 
no time when the history of the Sulus will be more interesting than at 

Besides the Moro sources above referred to, several authors in Spanish 
and English have been consulted and quoted with due credit. Special 
indebtedness must however be expressed to Col. Miguel S. Espina, author 
of "Apimtes sobre Jolo," whose admirable work has been our chief 
authority for the majority of the events which occurred after the Spanish 
invasion of Sulu in 1578. Espina saw considerable service in Sulu, 
was intimately acquainted with the Spanish administration of Sulu af- 
fairs, and most of his information was derived from official documents 
and other sources of equal authenticity. Most of the events relating to 
tlie late period of Spanish occupation of Sulu have been confirmed by 
personal investigation, and the Sulu view of every matter of significance 
has been studied and understood. 

A chapter on the geography of the Archipelago is presented first to 
give a general idea of the geographical relations of the Archipelago 


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of Sulu, the location of its various islands and settlements, and its 
commercial resources. Special attention has been given to accurate 
spelling of names and the correct location of settlements and small 
islands. Unusual pains have been taken to get satisfactory maps of 
the Archipelago and Island of Sulu and sketches of the town of Jolo. 
These will help the reader and add interest to the succeeding chapters. 

In the Appendixes will be seen reprints of various documents, reports, 
quotations and letters of direct and significant bearing on the history of 
Sulu and Mindanao. They are arranged in chronological order and are 
intended to complete the record and description of important events in 
Moro history so as to throw light on the actual conditions of life among 
the Moros, the political motives of the interested powers, and the real 
state of affairs in Mindanao at the time of the Spanish evacuation. The 
source from which each article is derived is given in connection therewith. 
A considerable number of quotations or chapters have been taken from 
"The Philippine Islands," by Blair and Robertson, for which special 
obligation is hereby expressed. Many of the official documents given 
could not be conveniently incorporated in the text of the history proper, 
and are herein published, probably for the first time. They include 
protocols, capitulations, official letters, decrees, and correspondence rela- 
tive to Sulu obtained from the Division of Archives of the Philippine 
Islands. The originals of the copies can be seen in Spain in the Indies 

Some liberty has been taken in correcting the spelling of geographical 
and other proper names in order to render the history uniform in its 
orthography and to avoid confusion and misconnection of events, persons, 
and places. The same system of orthography has been used here as 
that used and described in Part 1 of Volume IV, Ethnological Survey 
Publications. Diacritical signs to denote the long sounds of vowels have, 
however, been very rarely used. The Arabic ^Tiamzat," occurring in 
Moro words has been expressed by an apostrophe; while an inverted 
apostrophe has been used to represent the Arabic sound or character 
" 'ain," the eighteenth letter of the Arabic alphabet. Annotations which 
occur in the original documents have generally been indicated by letters, 
while those made by the author are denoted by figures. 

Manila, January, 1907. 


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Chapter 1 



The Sulu Archipelago is a series of small volcanic islands which 
extends in a nortlieast and southwest direction between the meridians 
of 119° 10' and 122° 25' east, and the parallels of 4° 30' and 6° 50' 
north. It forms a continuous chain of islands, islets, and coral reefs, 
which connects the peninsula of Zamboanga with the northeastern ex- 
tremity of Borneo and separates the Sulu Sea from the Celebes Sea. It 
marks the southern line of communication between the Philipp'ine Is- 
lands and Borneo and is probably the chief route of former emigrations 
and travel from Borneo to Mindanao and the southern Bisayan Islands. 

The islands of the Archipelago are so disposed as to form several 
smaller groups, the most important of which are the following: The 
Basilan Group, the Balangingi or Samal Group, the Sulu Group, the 
Pangutaran Group, the Tapul or Siasi Group, and the Tawi-tawi Group. 

The Basilan Group is the first on the north and includes the Island 
of Basilan and fifty-six small adjacent islands, all of which lie north of 
the parallel of 6° 15' north and east of the meridian of 121° 19' east. 
This group, under the name of Basilan, constituted the sixth district of 
the politico-military government of Mindanao, organized by the Spanish 
Government in 1861. Since that date the islands forming this group 
have not been recognized politically as a part of the Sulu Archipelago. 

Basilan is the largest island in the Archipelago. Its northernmost 
point is about 10 miles directly south of Zamboanga. The island is 
more or less circular in outline and has a radius approximately 11 miles 
long. Its area is about 400 square miles. Two prominent headlands 
projecting, one on the east and one on the west, give the island a 
maximum length of 36 miles. The greatest width, north and south, 
is 24 miles. The eastern headland is long and has a picturesque, conical 
peak, called Mount Matangal, which rises about 648 meters above sea 
level. This peak is a very prominent landmark, visible to a great distance 
from all points in the Celebes Sea and in the Straits of Basilan. The 
western headland is less prominent. It has an isolated peak about 287 

^ The spelling of proper names used throughout this paper is that adopted by the author 
and differs In some respects from that in use in the Division of Ethnology. — Editor. 

[13] 121 

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meters above the sea, immediately north of the settlement of Pangasa'an. 
The position of this peak makes it a conspicuous landmark to vessels 
entering the Straits of Basilan from the Sulu Sea. 

The surface of the island is high and hilly. Twenty-three peaks are 
recognized, forming two distinct series or ranges, central and peripheral. 
The central region of the island is an elevated tableland, out of which 
rise a number of peaks forming the central series and ranging from 
609 to 1,019 meters above sea level. A thick forest covers this region. 
The rivers are small and dry up in the dry season. Few Yakans are 
to be found there, and their houses are isolated and far apart. No 
cultivation is carried on in the interior. On the outside of this region 
rises the peripheral series of hills or peaks which lies parallel and near 
to the coast. With the exception of two, all of these peaks are below 
304 meters in lieight. The drop from this line of hills to the coast 
is rapid in some places, and in general the shore line is low and swampy 
and covered with mangrove trees. The three largest valleys in the 
island are those of Gubawan or Lamitan on the northeast, Kumalarang 
on thd northwest, and Malusu on the west. This region is generally 
considered fertile, but it has a marked dry season and droughts are not 

The island is very rich in timber; all its hills and mountains are 
forest-clad to their summits. Excellent boats are constructed on the 
south and west coasts of the island which rival the Tawi-tawi boats in 
every particular. A few Americans have started hemp and coconut 
plantations on the north coast, but native cultivation is not extensive 
and compares very poorly with that of the Islands of Sulu, Tapul, and 
Siasi. Most of the cultivation on the island is carried on by Yakans, 
the Samals living chiefly on the products of the sea. The staple prod- 
ucts of the soil are rice, tapioca, and corn. Vbi (a kind of tuber used 
as food), camotes (sweet potatoes), and wild fruits abound. The number 
of cattle is not inconsiderable, but horses are few. Most of the settle- 
ments on the island are on the sea coast and lie on the north and west 
coasts. The larger ones, beginning at Isabela and going east, are, on the 
north, Isabela, Patasan or Balaktasan, Malu'ung, Nipa, Lamitan, Ta- 
gima, and Kandi'is; on the east, Tambunan, Buhi-lubung, and TJbung; 
on the south, Amalwi, Giyung, and Mangal; on the west, Libuk, Kabka- 
ban, Kanas, Malusu, and Pangasa'an; on the north, Bulansa, Atung- 
atung, Batanay, and Panigayan.^ The prominent chiefs of the island 
live at Lamitan, Ubung, and Malusu, which form the principal centers 
of native power. The old name of Basilan was Tagima, so called after 
the name of the old settlement of Tagima mentioned above. 

Isabela may be considered as the capital of Basilan. Its old name 

^ This settlement is on a smaU adjacent island of the same name. 

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is Pasangan, which is still the name of the stream at the mouth of which 
it is built. The town is situated 4 miles inland, on the narrow channel 
which separates Basilan from the small island of Malamawi. The chan- 
nel widens a little at this ])oint and forms an excellent harbor. Under 
Spanish jurisdiction it was a naval staticm with a dry dock for gunboats. 
An aqueduct furnishes the town with fresh water brought from a small 
stream in the neighborhood. The stone fort Isabel II, built on the hill 
in 1842, commands both entrances of the channel. It was designed 
to defend the town against the Moros. The abandonment of the town 
as a naval station has led to its present decline. An American sawmill 
planted there has been the chief source of lumber supply for the town of 
Zamboanga and neighborhood. 

The largest islands in this group, excepting Basilan, are Baluk-baluk 
and Pilas, both of which lie west of Basilan. A narrow channel which 
lies in the direct route leading from Zamboanga to Jolo separates these 
two islands. Ta})iantana, Salupin, Bubwan, and Lanawan are the 
largest islands of the group south of Basilan. 

The population of this whole group is generally estimated at 25,000. 
Of these, 15,000 live in Basilan itself. The inhabitants of Basilan 
proper are Yakans and Samals, while the adjacent islands are occupied 
entirely by Samals. The Yakans are the aborigines of Basilan and 
extend farther into the interior than the Samals. 

Basilan never enjoyed political independence. Before Spanish rule 
it was governed by Sulu datus and paid tribute to the Sultan of Suln. 
Under the datus, subordinate Samal panglimas ^ and maharajas ^ had 
charge of the various communities or settlements. The Samals of Basi- 
lan are at present stronger than other Samals and enjoy a greater degree 
of liberty and self-government than their brothers in the Tawi-tawi 

The Balangingi Group lies east of the meridian of 121° 28' east, and 
to the south of the Basilan Group. It has nineteen islands, the principal 
ones of which are Tonkil, Balangingi, Simisa, Tatalan, Bukutwa, Bulim, 
-Bangalaw. The islands of this group are small and low and do not 
exceed 38 square miles in area. Their inhabitants are Samals. The 
people of Balangingi and Tonkil were notorious pirates. They built 
strong forts and once surpassed all other Samals in power, political or- 
ganization, and prosperity. 

The Sulu Group lies west of the Balangingi Group and north of the 
parallel of 5° 46' north. Its western boundary may be sent at the 
meridian of 120° 46' east. It consists of about twenty-nine islands with 
a total area of 380 square miles. The principal island of this group is 

^ An officer next below a datu In rank. 

2 An officer next below a panglima in rank. 

71296 2 

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Sulu. To the north of Sulu lie Pangasinan, Marongas, Kabukan, Bu- 
bwan. Minis, Hegad, and a few others ; to the east lie Tulayan, Kapwal, 
and Bitinan ; to the south, Pata and Patyan. 

Tulayan lies north of Tandu and is separated from it by a narrow 
strait. It has a good harbor on the southern side. It was ceded to the 
English in 1763 by Sultan Alimud Din I out of appreciation of the favor 
done in releasing him from piison in Manila and reinstating him as 
Sultan of Sulu. The English, however, never made any use of the island. 

Pata is, next to Sulu, the largest island of tlie group. It is moun- 
tainous and well populated. The description of the Island of Sulu is 
given separately at the end of this chapter. 

The Pangutaran Group lies west of the Sulu Group and north of the 
sixth parallel. It has fourteen islands and an area of 73 square miles. 
Tlie principal members of the group are Pangutaran, Pandukan, North 
I'bian, Laparan, and Tababas or Cap. They are all low and flat with 
little more than trees visible from the sea. They are surrounded by 
coral reefs and sand banks, which in places form lagoons which can be 
entered only at high water. The drinking water in these islands is 
brackish in the hot season and has a black color during rains. Ver}' 
often the people go as far as the Island of Sulu to get good water. 
Pangutaran is the fifth island in the Archipelago in size, being 11 miles 
long, north and south, and 8 miles wide, from east to west. Its chief 
settlement is Maglakub. Its northern and eastern coasts are the best 
populated. The inhabitants of this group are chiefly Samals; few Sulus 
are found mixed with them. Coconut trees and tapioca plants grow well 
in places. 

The Siasi Group lies to the south and west of the Sulu Group, east 
of the meridian of 120° 33' east, and north of the parallel of 5° 24' 
north. It has thirty-eight islands with an aggregate area of 77 square 
miles. Its population is estimated at 20,000. The principal islands of 
this group are Siasi, Pandami, Lugus, Tapul, Laminusa, and Kabinga'an. 
The first four are volcanic islands of some size; the last two are low 
and flat. Tapul is the nearest island of the group to Sulu. It is more 
or less round in circumference and rises in the middle to a picturesque 
conical peak 50o meters above the sea. It is about 5 miles in diameter 
and is separated from Lugus by a very narrow channel. The island is 
8 miles south of Sulu Island, is well cultivated, and appears very 
attractive from the sea. It supports a considerable population and has 
several fairly prosperous settlements. The people are mostly Sulus; 
they are very warlike and take great pride in their traditions. 

The chief settlement of this island is Kanawi, where lives Sharif 
Alawi, the strongest chief on the island. Buhangin Hawpu, Pangpang, 
and Pagatpat lie on the southern coast, east of Kanawi. The settlements 
on the western coast are, beginning at the south, Suba Puknl, Kawim- 


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pang, Tigbas, Banting, Kutabatu, Bagus; on the northern coast, Ka- 
wimpang, Pangdan; on the eastern coast, Sampunay, Tulakan. 

Lugus is a larger island. Its long diameter extends 9 miles east 
and west, and it has an area of 18 square miles. It is hilly and rough ; 
but the northern shore is fairly well cultivated. 

The chief settlements are on the western coast. They are Basbas, 
where Datu Amilusin used to live, and Bulij)ungpung. On the north 
lie, beginning at the east, Gapas, Ba'it-ba'it, and Ilawit, the place of 
Maharaja Sharafud Din ; on the ea«t Kalu'ukan, the residence of Pang- 
lima Salahud Din; and on the south Aluduyung, and the Island of 

Siasi and Pandami are separated by a nan*ow channel which forms a 
good anchorage for vessels. Siasi is prettier than Tapul in form and is 
larger, but not equally wooded. It has an isolated, conical, and beautiful 
peak in the center rising to a height of 509 meters above sea level. The 
island is about 7 miles in diameter and has an area of 39 square miles. 
Beefs and numerous islets form a fringe off the east and south coasts 
and these teem with Samal houses. It is thickly settled, fairly well 
cultivated, and has, in proportion to its size, a considerable number of 
horses and cattle. The majority of the people are Samals, but the chief 
rulers and some of their retinues are Sulus. In this respect this 
island follows the general rule governing all the larger islands of the 
Archipelago outside of Sulu Island. The town of Siasi is on the western 
side. It lies on the Pandami Channel and has a good harbor. A spring 
rising at the base of the western slope of the mountain supplies the 
town with fresh water. 

A detachment of Spanish troops occupied the town in 1882 and built 
a stone fort and banmcks. American troops were there from 1900 to 
1904, when they were relieved by a detachment of the Philippine Con- 
stabulary. An effort was made in 1899 by the present sultan, Jamalul 
Kiram II, to retain Siasi under his own jurisdiction for the establishment 
of a custom-house where he could collect duties on foreign goods, as 
was'- formerly done by his father; but no such rights were conceded to 
him. Siasi is a closed port at present. The residents of the town are 
Samals and Cbinese traders. They vary from 500 to 700 in number. 
The other settlements on the island are, on the north, Siyundu, Pagatpat, 
and Manta; on the east, Pamimgunan, Tanjun, Sipanding, and Buli- 
kulul; on the south, Dugu, Latung, and Musu ; on the west, Nipanipa, 
Jambanganan, Dungus, and Sablay; in the interior, Kabubu, Ju, and 
Kungatad. Siasi and Laminusa are important centers of pearl and 
shell fishing. About 2,000 Samals live on Laminusa. 

Pandami is an attractive island. Its long diameter runs north and 
south. Two round peaks, one at each end of tlie island, give it the shape 
of a saddle and make a picturesque sight from the sea. The people 


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are chiefly Samals ruled by Sulu datus. Its best settlements are on 
the west and south. The name given to this island on Spanish maps 
is Lapak, which is the name of one of its southern settlements. The 
northern extremity of the island is Diadia Point, the northeast projection 
is Butun Point. The chief settlements on the west are, beginning at 
the north, Subasuba, Tabunan, Pari'an Pandami, Tubig-shina, Lalii, and 
Sibawud, which lies on a reef off the southern point of the island. On 
the east lie Ambilan, Bakal, and Lapak. Laminusa and Kabinga'an 
lie to the east of Siasi. They are small but thickly populated by Samals. 
The chief settlements of Laminusa are Tampan on the north and 
Kimgkung on the south. 

The Tavji-iawi Group lies to the south and west of the Tapul Group 
and extends as far west as the Sibutu Passage. This is the largest 
group in number and area, including eighty-eight islands with a combined 
area of 463 square miles. Its population is estimated at 25,000. These 
islands form two distinct divisions or subgroups, differing in both extent 
and population. 

The first or northern division includes Bangao, Sangasanga, Tawi- 
tawi, Tandu-batu, and a large number of smaller islands, all of which 
are rough, volcanic, mountainous, and very sparsely populated. The 
second or southern division is a series of low, flat islands which are 
smaller in area but more thickly populated than those of the northern 
division. The principal names, beginning at the east, are the following : 
Kinapusan, Bintulan, Tabawan, South TJbian, Tandubas, Sikubun, La- 
ta'an, Mantabwan, Banaran, Bilatan, Manuk-manka, and Simunul. Ex- 
tensive reefs and narrow channels and shoals separate these islands from 
one another and from those of the northern division, rendering navigation 
between them impossible except in vessels of very light draft. 

Bangao, Sanga-sanga, and Tawi-tawi are separated by very narrow 
channels and are practically one island. Bangao forms the southwest 
extremity and is substantially one solid rock which rises perpendicularly 
to a height of 228 meters. It is a conspicuous landmark to vessels going 
through the Sibutu Passage. The to\\Ti of Bangao is a military sta'tion 
and an open port; it has an excellent landlocked harbor and a very poor 
water supply. The town has been occupied by troops since 1882, but it 
has never attained any size or importance. 

Tawi-tawi Island is a continuous range of hills covered by thick and 
rich forests. The highest points in the range are the Dromedary peaks 
(591 meters) lying about the center of the island. The length of the 
island is about 34 miles and its greatest width 14 miles. It is next in 
size to the Island of Sulu, but it is very sparsely populated. Its chief 
settlements are Tungpatung, Balimbang, Lissutn, and Bu'an on the 
south coast, and Tawi-tawi, Tata'an, Butung, Tumhubung, Tumbaga'an, 
Languyan, and Bas on the north. At Balimbang are built the best 


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types of Sulu and Samal boats. Good timber abounds in the neighbor- 
ing hills, and the little bay is transformed into a shipyard. The town 
used to be a famous rendezvous for Samal pirates. Tata'an had formerly 
a Spanish garrison; the present Moro town is a little distance to the 
south of the ruins of the fort and is called Butung. It is built on the 
hillside and commands a pretty view of the sea. It lies 100 miles east of 
Lahat Datu, Ea«t Borneo. The anchorage is deep and safe, being well 
protected by a large semicircle of reefs. A boa 30 feet long was killed 
on the island in 1903. Kubber and gutta-percha are found on this 
island. Tapioca and uhi are the staple products. 

Sibutu lies in a little group of the same name, situated between the 
Tawi-tawi Group and Borneo and at a distance of about 15 miles from 
each. The Sibutu Passage separates it from Manuk-manka, the southern- 
most island of the Tawi-tawi Group, and the Alice Channel from Borneo. 
This island did not lie within the limits of the Philippine Islands as 
defined in the Treaty of Peace of December 10, 1898. It was ceded by 
Spain with Kagayan Sulu, by a separate treaty in November, 1900. Its 
close proximity to Borneo renders it a convenient stopping place for 
small Moro boats navigating between Borneo and Sulu. Sitanki, an 
island and town, is the trade center of this group, and has just lately 
been made an open port. 



Sulu is an island of irregular shape and among the islands of the 
Archipelago is next in size to Basilan. Its longest diameter runs east 
and west and approximates 37 miles, while its average length does not 
exceed 32 miles. Its greatest width is 14 miles and its average width 
about 10 miles. The main sti-ucture of the island is volcanic, but it is 
surrounded with a coral reef formation, which is most extensive in the 
bays and on the south. 

Two indentations of the northern sliore at Jolo and Si'it and two 
corresponding indentations of the southern shore at Maymbung and 
Tu'tu', divide the island into three parts — western, middle, and eastern. 

The Bay of Jolo is quite open and faces the northwest. It is very 
shallow near the shore and its head constitutes the roadstead of Jolo. 
The Bay of Maymbung is a deeper indentation, but it is narrower and 
shallower than the Bay of Jolo. The town of Maymbung lies at the 
head of the bay and is about 9 miles south of Jolo in a direct line. 

The Bays of Si'it and Tu'tu' indent the island to such an extent as to 
leave only a nock of land, less than 4 miles wide, connecting the middle 
and eastern parts of the island. The settlement of Si'it lies at the 
head of the bay and in the immediate vicinity of a small lake of the 
same name. The shores of the Bay of Tu'tu' are marshy and are covered 


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with mangrove trees. The bay is very shallow to a considerable distance 
from shore. Tu'tu' is the principal settlement near the head of the 

The backbone of the island is a mountain range which runs east and 
west and lies nearer to the northern sliore. The highest point is Mount 
Tumangtangis, at the western extremity of the range. This mountain 
reaches a height of 853 meters above sea leavel and descends very rapidly 
to the western coast near Timahu. A spur of the mountain terminates 
in Point Tugut at the northwestern extremity of the island.^ 

Toward the east, the ridge descends to a much lower level at Bud Datu, 
Bud Agad, and Bud Tula, which lie immediately to the south of Jolo. 
It rises again in Mount Dahu to an altitude of 716 meters. Mount Dahu 
is a prominent landmark and forms the most picturesque landscape in 
the background of Jolo. It is a steep and conical extinct volcano, 
similar to, but smaller and more regular in form than Mount Tumang- 
tangis. East of Mount Dahu is another gap in which lies Tambang 
Pass. Beyond this the range rises again at Mount Tambang and con- 
tinues uninterrupted to Mount Sinuma'an, at the extreme end of Lati, 
and Mount Bagshag. After Mount Bagshag the range descends gradu- 
ally toward Su' and Si^it. The northern slopes of Mount Tumangtangis 
and Mount Dahu, and the crest of Bud Datu are covered with grand 
forests, while the crests and lower slopes of Bud Agad and Bud Pula 
are partly cultivated and partly covered with tall grass. 

From the shores of the Bay of Jolo the land rises gradually and 
presents a beautiful green appearance. The northern aspect of this 
whole range and its beauty were appropriately described by Mr. Hunt, 
as follows : 

There are few landscapes in the world that exhibit a more delightful appear- 
ance than the seacoasts of Sulu; the luxuriant variety of the enchanting hills 
exhibits a scenery hardly ever equaled and certainly never surpassed by the pencil 
of the artist. Some with majestic woods that wave their lofty heads to the very 
summits; others with rich pasturage delightfully verdant, with here and there 
patches burnt for cultivation, which form an agreeable contrast with enameled 
meads; others, again, exhibit cultivation to the mountain top, checkered with 
groves affording a grateful variety to the eye — in a word, it only requires the 
decorations of art and civilized life to form a terrestrial paradise.^ 

To the south of Bagshag ^ lies a small extinct volcano called Panamaw 
or Pandakan, whose crater is now a lake. East of Si'it rise the Lu'uk 
mountains of Urut, Upao, and Ta}'ungan. From these the range extends 
to Bud Tandu at the eastern extremity of the island. 

^ The word Tumaogtangis means "Shedder of tears." As the summit of this mountain 
is the last object to be seen by sailors leaving the island, they weep from homesickness 
when they lose sight of it 

3 Quoted in Keppel's "Visit to the Indian Archipelago," p. 70. 

* Some maps place this mountain near Tu'tu', but reliable Moros apply the name 
to the mountain west of Si 'it and nearer to Su' than to Tu'tu'. 


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Sfi^ ^M£partment (tfjtin/ana^ 19^ - 1902 

a/uL the 
tlons of J>r K. M. Saieeby 

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The highlands near the southern coast of the island divide into three 
separate regions. The first and westernmost lies west of Maymbung 
and forms the principal highlands of Parang. The highest points in 
this region are Mount Tukay, east of the town of Parang, and Mount 
Mabingkang, east of Tukay. To the east of Maymbung rise Mount Ta- 
lipao and Mount Kumaputkut, which form the middle and second region. 
The third region is the southern part of the I^u^uk country. Its highest 
point is Mount Bulag, to the north of Tandu-Panu'an. 

Between Mount Tukay and Mount Tumangtangis lies Bud Gapang. 
Midway between Mount Talipao and Bud Datu is Mount Kumuray, in 
the neighborhood of Langhub. 

The largest streams on the island are Tubig Palag and Bina'an. The 
first is generally known as the Maymbung Kiver. It passes through the 
settlement of Maymbung and empties into the head of the bay of the 
same name. It drains the southern slopes of Mounts Tumangtangis, 
Pula, Dahu, and Kumuray. The Bina^an stream drains the southern 
slopes of Mount 8inuma'an and the northern slopes of Mounts Talipao 
and Kumaputkut and empties into the Bay of Tu'tu'. 


Beginning at Jolo and going west along the northern coast we pass 
the following points of interest : The first is Point Baylam, the western 
limit of the Bay of Jolo. At the head of the small bay that follows lies 
the settlement of Matanda, where a Spanish blockhouse marks the 
western limit of the Jolo line of fortifications. Next comes Point 
Mangalis and the receding beach of Bwansa, the old capital of Sulu. 
Here and in the next ba}'', at Malimbay and Kansaya, Samal boats as- 
semble in favorable weatlier for fishing. Back of these settlements the 
land rises rapidly to Mount Tumangtangis. A teak forest of considerable 
size lies between Tumangtangis and Jolo. 

Outside of the wall of Jolo and to the east lies the settlement of 
Busbus, where criminals formerly were chopped to death after being 
tied to a tree. A mile beyond is Mubu, where the old residence of 
Sultan Harun stands out prominently. Copious springs of fresh water 
issue at this place at a point near the high-water mark. A mile farther 
east we come to Tandu (point or cape), where Datu Kalbi lives. This 
point is generally known as Tandu Dayang Ipil ^ and marks the 
eastern limit of the Bay of Jolo. The isolated hill of Patikul rises im- 
mediately behind Tandu. The settlement of Patikul lies still farther 
away on the beach. Here lives Datu Julkamayn (Alexander the Great), 
the brother of Datu Kalbi. The beautiful region lying between Patikul 
and the mountains of Tambang and Sinuma'an is called Lati. 

1 Princess IpU and her foHowers were wrecked aad drowned at this point. Their 
bodies are said to have turned into stone and formed the rocks that line the shore. Some 
of the rocks seemed to the people to resemble petrified human beings. 


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Buhanginan lies about midway between Patikul and Higasan. At the 
latter place or Tandu Manuk-manuk the shore line recedes toward 
the south. Opposite this point lies the Island of Bakungan. Next comes 
the larger settlement of Taglibi, above which rises Mount Ta'ung ; then 
Bunbun, near a point whicli marks the western entrance into the Bay of 
Si'it. Midway between Bunbun and the head of the bay is Su', which 
may be said to mark tlie boundaiy line between Lati and Lu'uk. Si'it 
is a small settlement near the head of the bay. Beyond Si'it the shore 
line turns north until it reaches Kansipat. About 2 miles farther, a 
semicircular reef off the shore makes the excellent and well-protected 
small harbor of Bwal. A large spring of pure, fresh water adds to this 
place another natural advantage, one which gave it the prominence it 
had in former days. The entrance into tlie harbor is very shallow and 
allows only sailboats of light draft. The channel lies close to the shore 
on the west side. Opposite the Island of Tulayan lie Tandu-batu and 
a little farther inland Kuta Makis. Limawa lies about 3 miles farther 
on near a point opposite the Island of Biili Kuting. Behind tliis island 
and at the head of a shallow cove lies Patutul, the chief settlement of 
Tandu. East of Bud Tandu is Tandu Pansan, the easternmost point 
of the island. The eastern coast is exposed to storms and appears rocky 
and barren, though the hills behind it are well cultivated. 

The first point on the southern coast is Tandu Panu'an, behind which 
lies the settlement of Sukuban. This marks the southern extremity of 
the boundary line between Tandu and Lu'uk. The country behind Kuta 
Sihi' and Pitugu appears rich and well tilled. The hills come down to 
the beach. Near the point at the eastern limit of Tu'tu' Bay lies Kam- 
bing. The neighboring country is rich and prosperous. It is governed 
by Maharaja Bayrula, one of the wisest and best chiefs of Sulu. West 
of Kambing lie Pandang-pandang, Tubu-manuk, and Tu'tu'. The shore 
is a continuous mangrove marsh, while the country behind is about the 
richest and best tilled land on the whole island. The western side of 
TuHu' Bay has few places of importance. The country behind is pic- 
turesque and hilly, but not as well populated as other parts of the island. 
Lubuk, Kabungkul, and Lumapit are the chief settlements. 

Beyond the point of Buhangin Puti', the shore line bends again north 
and the Bay of ^faymbiing begins. Here mangrove swamps are ex- 
tensive and extend a good distance inland. The greater part of Maym- 
bung is built on piles over the water. It is surrounded by swami)s on 
all sides. After the tide recedes, strong odors arise from the muddy 
bottom to such an extraordinary degree as to render the atmo8i)here of 
the place very disagreeable and often unbearable to strangers. The 
center of the town is a siuall, open square of reclaimed land filled with 
coral rocks. Around this square were built the houses of Sultan Jamalul 
A*lam and his ministers of state. The present sultan lives on a hill about 


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half a mile inland from the town. The square was probably the site of 
the Maymbung fort which was destroyed by General Arolas in 1887. 
Some Chinese traders live in the town and export hemp, pearls, pearl 
shells, etc., through Jolo. The population of the town and its immediate 
suburbs varies considerably, but it is generally estimated at 1,000. 
Beyond Maymbung the coast bends sharply to the south. In the im- 
mediate vicinity of Maymbung lies Bwalu. A mile west of this place 
begins the district of Parang. After Lipid and Lapa comes Kaba- 
li'an, the western limit of the Bay of Maymlmng. The shore line then 
takes a more westerly direction. Passing Dandulit and Lakasan, we 
reach Tandu Put, where the western coast of the island begins. This 
southern region of Parang is well populated and is very pretty and 
productive. Cultivated areas are seen on the side of the mountains every- 
where and they reach the very summit of Mount Tukay. 

The town of Parang is one of the largest settlements on the island 
and has, at present, an estimated population of 1,000. It is situated 
at the head of a small open bay facing the southwest and commands a 
beautiful view of Tapul and Lugus and the intervening sheet of water. 
It is the capital of- the district and has one of the best markets in the 
Archipelago for fish, shells, and pearls. The drinking water in this 
neighborhood is brackish. 

An islet lies off the shore near Tandu Bunga. Beyond this point the 
shore line turns north to Bwisan, which is one of the most prosperous 
settlements in the district. Beyond Alu Pangku' the coast inclines a 
little east and runs to Silankan and Timaliu. Extensive coconut groves 
and well-cultivated fields and fruit trees of various kinds abound all 
along the coast from Parang to Timahu. 


The districts of the island conform in a great measure to its natural 
divisions. However, political reasons have modified the natural bound- 
aries and increased the districts to six by division. These districts 
are Parang, Pansul, Lati, Gi'tung, Lu'uk and Tandu. The first district 
on the west is Parang. A line joining the western limit of Bwalu on the 
south coast, with a point slightly east of the summit of Mount Tuman- 
tangis, and projected to the sea on the north, delimits this district on the 
east and carves out of the western natural division the district of Pansul. 
The eastern boundary of Pansul is a line running from a point 2 or 3 
miles east of Maymbung to Mount Pula and Busbus. The chief reason 
for separating Pansul from Parang was to reserve for the sultan direct 
control over Jolo and Maymbung. This district ha,s more foreigners 
residing in it than any other. 

A line joining Su' and Lubuk marks tlie eastern limit of both Lati 
and Gi'tiing, the third and fourth districts. The watershed line joining 


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the summits of Mounts Dahu, Tambang, and Sinuma'an and falling on 
the east to the vicinity of Su', divides Lati on the north from Gi'tung 
on the south. For all practical pui-poses the district of Lati may be said 
to lie between Jolo and Su', and the district of Gi'tiing or Talipao 
between Mayrabung and Tu'tu'. The land joining Si'it and Tu'tu' is 
low. Sulu traditions say that when the Samals arrived in the island 
this neck of land was submerged and the island was divided by a channel 
of water. The extinct volcano of Pandakan, generally spoken of as the 
"Crater Lake/' which lies in this vicinity, may be of late origin and may 
have been the source of the geologic deposits which helped to fill the 
channel. Spanish records speak of a volcanic eruption in the vicinity 
of Jolo as late as 1840, and it is ver}' likely that other volcanic action 
occurred prior to that date and after the arrival of the Samals in the 
fourteenth century. 

A line joining Limawa on the north and Sukuban or Tandu Panu'an 
on the south, divides Lu'uk from Tandu, thus forming tlie fifth and 
sixth districts respectively. A line joining Mount Tayungan and Bud 
Tandu divides both Lu'uk and Tandu into a northern and a southern 
part. In both cases the southern parts are more fertile and better 
cultivated and probably more thickly populated than the northern. 

The Sulus are principally agriculturists. The greater part of the 
people are farmers and a considerable portion of the interior of the island 
is under cultivation. They raise a good number of cattle, carabaos, and 
horses, which they utilize for tilling the soil and transporting its prod- 
ucts. Trails cross the island in all directions and the interior is in 
easy communication witli the sea. Fruits are good and abundant. The 
forests are rich in jungle products and in timber. Some copra and 
hemp is raised and the amount is being increased annually. The 
staples are tapioca, rice, and corn. Sugar cane is raised in small quan- 
tities. Uhi and taro are fairly abundant. Some coffee is produced, but 
disease destroyed most of the plantations. Some tobacco and vegetables 
are raised for home consumption only. 

Jolo is one of the best fish markets in the Philippine Islands. The 
varieties of fish in Sulu waters are innumerable and of excellent quality. 
The Island of Sulu surpasses Mindanao in the quality and proportional 
amount of its fruit. There is an abundance of mangostins, durians, 
nangkas (jack-fruit), langones,^ marangs,^ mangos of several varieties 
{mampalam, hawnu, and wanni), oranges, custard apples, pineapples, 
bananas, etc. 

In the extent and quality of cultivation the district of Lu'uk ranks 
first. Parang second, and Lati third. Good fresh water abounds every- 
where except on the western coast. Considerable irrigation is possible 
in many localities. 

1 Names of fruits with no English equivalents. 

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Jolo is the Spanish representation (or rather misrepresentation) of 
the word Sulu, sometimes written 800I00. The early Spaniards wrote 
it "Xolo," which later changed to Jolo. The complete form of the word 
is Suing, as it is rendered in Magindanao. The Sulus pronounce it and 
write it Sug. Sug means a sea current. The flow of the tide through 
the innumerable narrow channels separating the numerous islands of the 
Archipelago gives rise to unusually strong currents which figure promi- 
nently in the seafaring life of the people. Therefore the term is an 
appropriate designation for the Archipelago as a whole. 

The rulers of the island state have changed their capital four times. 
The most ancient capital was Maymbung, the second was Bwansa, which 
lies on the north coast of the island about 3 miles west of Jolo. 
Here ruled Raja Baginda and the first three sultans of Sulu. The 
fourth sultan moved to Sug, the third capital, and the town remained 
the capital of the sultanate until 1876, the date of the Spanish conquest 
and occupation. Sultan Jamalul A4am then moved to Maymbung and 
the Spaniards occupied the town. Since then the term Jolo has become 
so intimately associated with it, that it is deemed preferable to use it 
as a name for the town, while the term Sulu, which is more correct and 
more commonly used, is retained in all other applications. 

The town of Jolo has been so closely identified with the history of the 
sultanate as to claim considerable attention. The Spanish buildings 
and improvements were sufficiently extensive to obscure the ancient land- 
marks of the town and to render a complete and intelligent understand- 
ing of the early history and traditions of the place impracticable. A ffew 
words describing the location of Jolo, its ancient landmarks, and the 
Spanish improvements will therefore be of primary interest. 

The town as it stands at present is divided into four distinct parts. 
The main or central part is Jolo proper or the "walled town.'' This is 
known to the Moros as Tiyangi Sug meaning the "shops or market of 
Sulu." The western half of this part bordering on Suba' Bawang for- 
merly was termed Luway. The second part, called San Remondo, lies 
back and south of the walled town and is separated from it by a little 
stream called Tubig Hasa'an. The third part is Tulay and lies on the 
west side ; the fourth is Busbus, on the east side. 

At the head of the roadstead separating the Pueblo nuevo or Tulay 
from Jolo proper or Luway is a small tidal stream formerly called Suba' 
Bawang. Some maps designate it as Rio del Sultan. This stream 
extends back into a swamp and divides into two branches. The main 
or direct branch extends in a more or less southerly direction to a point 
about 700 meters from the mouth of the stream, where it rises in copious 


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springs of fresh water at the edge of the swamp. The other branch is 
formed by the junction of the rivulet that rises in the springs of San 
Remondq with Tubig Hasa'an. The latter has its origin at the foot of 
the hills above the cemetery and Blockhouse No. 2. Hasa'an means 
grindstone, and the springs are said to have burst out of the spot where 
a grindstone was set for use. Another stream, termed Suba' Ligayan, 
drains the northern slopes of Buds Datu and Agad, and running north, 
passes by Fort Asturias and through Tulay, and empties into the road- 
stead of Jolo at a point about 250 meters west of the mouth of Suba' 
Bawang. A branch of this stream formerly issued at Asturias and con- 
nected with the main stream of Suba' Bawang. The land which thus 
lay between Suba' Bawang and Suba' Ligayan was a delta. It was 
called by the Moros n-laya (that is, the head of the net) because of its 
triangular shape. It was mostly marshy, but it had a central longitudinal 
strip of dry land which practically connected Tulay with the base of 
the hills at Asturias. At the upper end of this strip there existed at 
one time a well-defined, sandy spot, different in formation from the 
surrounding land, which was considered sacred and was supposed to be 
the first land formed on the island. This spot was Sug proper ; after it 
was named the whole settlement which was built along the banks of 
Suba' Bawang and at the head of the roadstead. 

The Sultan's palace, termed istana, his huta (fort) and stockades 
were built along the lower left bank of the stream Bawang; hence the 
name Rio del Sultan. On the right bank lay the houses and stockades 
of the other datus of high rank. Two bridges connected one side of the 
stream with the other. 

On the outskirts of the town lay various huta belonging to subordinate 
datus, which defended the approaches to the town. The most famous 
of these huta was Daniel's Fort, the best stronghold of Sulu. On the 
site of this fort was built in 1878 the fort or redoubt of Alfonso XII, 
which was lately replaced by the present headquarters building of the 
military post of Jolo. Another strong fort was built at the foot of 
the hills just above the head of the delta above described; it defended 
the inland approach to the town. This was Panglima Arabi's kuta, on the 
site of which Fort Asturias was erected. Another kuta was located on 
Point Baylam. 

The principal part of the town was formerly built over the shoal and 
beach at the head of the bay. Extensive rows of buildings stretched out 
into the roadstead and in front of the buildings now occupied as the 
clubhouse and military hospital. The present "(Uiinese pier" is con- 
structed on the same plan. This extensive row of houses and shops 
begins at the lower point of the Tulay delta and stretches straight out 
into the sea. The bay is very shallow here and appears to ])e fairly well 
protected from severe stonns. A variety of fish called tulay, after which 


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1 Reducto Princesa de Asturias. 

2 Torre de la Reiiia. 

3 Puerta de Espana. 

4 Torre Norte, 

5 Reducto Alfonso XU. 

6 Torre Sur. 

7 Cuartel defeneivo de las Victorias 

8 Casa de Gobierno. 

9 Cuartel de Espana. 

10 Factona de Administracion Militar. 

1 1 Mercado. 

12 Camarin de \h Seccion de Vigilancia. 

13 HospiUl Militar 

14 Cuart^ de la 2.» CompailliaBiscipli- 


15 Torre de la (arola. 

16 Puente del Sultiin. 

17 Blokhaus de la playa. 

18 Puerta del blokhaus. 

19 Casas de la colonia para deportados. 

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the Moro town of Tulay is named, is canght in the hay. A swamp 
bounds the town on tlie south and west, affording it considerable protec- 
tion from assault. However, it is open to attack from the sea and from 
the east. The land on the east is high and affords the only desirable 
site for residences. Here the strongest forts and defenses were erected. 

The Spaniards built the central part of Jolo first. They raised it 
considerably above sea level by extensive fillings, and surrounded it by 
a loop-holed wall, 8 feet high and 1^ feet thick, for protection from 
Moro assaults. The new town was beautifully laid out with broad, clean 
streets lined with double rows of arhol de fiiego (fire trees), ylang-ylang ,^ 
acacia, and other varieties of trees, some of which are large and magnifi- 
cent. Three parks, each one block in size, added considerable pictur- 
esqueness to the place. Substantial quarters were built for the officers, 
all houses were painted white or whitewashed, and none of them had 
the nipa roofs so common in the Archipelago. Business places, store- 
houses, a large market place, a church, a theater, two schoolhouses, and 
a hospital were erected and a public water supply provided. A stone 
pier was built extending 120 meters into the sea, and provided with a 
light-house at its outer end. 

The town wall bad five gates, two of which lay on the northwest or 
sea front, one at the foot of the pier, and the other close to it. Through 
the latter gate cargo was admitted from small boats, which can always 
come up to this point at high water. The three other gates lay on the 
land side, one at the south end of the town toward Tulay, another at the 
opposite extremity facing Busbus, and a third one at the southern end of 
Callc 2 Buy on, directly facing San Remondo. This last is the only gate 
of the three kept open at present and is the only entrance into the town 
from the land side. A tower called Torre de la Farola surmounts the 
gate. Near the Busbus gate and forming the northeast angle of the 
town was the fort or redoubt termed Alfonso XII. It was built on 
a prominent eminence and commanded an extensive view of the bay, the 
town, and the surrounding country. 

In the immediate vicinity lay the Cuartel Espaiia, which was a large 
and substantial building occupying the northern extremity of the town, 
facing the bay on the side of Busbus. At the extreme end of the wall 
beyond the barracks was the tower or blockhouse called Torre Norte. 
Another similar tower at the south gate was termed Torre Sur, At the 
intersection of the south wall and the beach line was a strong building 
called Cuartel Defensivo de las Victorias. The block lying diagonally 
between this cuartel and the market had eight buildings which were 
known as Casas de la Colonia para Deportados. 

* A Philippine tree from the blossoms of which a perfume is made. 

* Spanish word for street. 


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Two roads and two bridges connected the south and southeast gates 
with San Eemondo. The continuation of these roads formed the two 
main streets of this j)art of tlie town. San Remondo has six small town 
blocks, nearly all of which are on reclaimed swamp land. The buildings 
here are mere nipa huts and the streets are muddy and narrow, unlike 
those of the walled town. Back of the town lies a large coconut grove 
which extends to Blockhouse No. 2 on one side and Asturias on the other. 
A straight and well laid out road directly connects these two latter 
points and marks the southern limit of the town. 

A good road runs outside the wall connecting Busbus and Tulay. 
Later usage has applied the term Tulay to all parts of the town lying 
west of Suba' Bawang. Formerly the name Tulay was applied only to 
that part lying west of Suba' Ligayan, while the intermediate section 
was known as Pueblo nuevo. The bridge across the mouth of Suba' 
Bawang was termed pnente del sultan. On the other side of the bridge 
this street extends through Pueblo nuevo and along the central strip of 
fi'laya, or the delta, to Fort Asturias, thus separating the waters of Suba' 
Bawang from Suba' Ligayan. Midway between Tulay and Asturias 
stands an obelisk-like monument erected by General Arolas and bearing 
the date 1892. Further fillings in Tulay have provided for several 
streets, the chief one of which is the direct street running to the Chinese 
pier and then on to the blockhouse of the playa ^ and the Ligayan Eiver. 
A large bridge crosses this river to Tulay proper. The road ends at the 
beach a little beyond the bridge. In the central plaza at Tulay stands 
a monument erected by General Arolas in 1891 in memory of the three 
renowned conquerors of Jolo. On one side the monument bears the 
inscription ''A la gloria de los que con su esfuerzo hicieron esta tierra 
Espanola/' the second side bears the inscription *'Corcuera, 17 de Abril 
de 1638/' the third side, ''Urbistondo, 28 de Febrero de 1851/' the 
fourth side, *'Malcampo, 29 de Febrero de 1876." A straight road about 
three-fourths of a mile long called the Asturias Eoad directly connects 
Asturias with the main entrance of the walled town. Another road 
starts at this latter point and running along the right bank of Tubig 
Hasa'an reaches the cemetery on the opposite side of Blockhouse No. 2 
The old bridge connecting a branch of this road with the one running 
from Asturias to Blockhouse No. 2 was washed away by a severe freshet 
in 1904, thus breaking what liad formerly been a complete circle of 
roads around the town. 

Busbus is wholly occupied by Moros. Its houses are dilapidated nipa 
huts built on piles over the water. Back of the town is a marsh which 
extends a little way toward the base of the hills. The water from the 
marsh escapes into the bay by two rivulets, the first of which nins through 
the settlement and is known as Tubig Uhang; the other is artificial, 

^ Beach at the head of the bay. 

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TRADE 137 

forms the outer limit of the town, and is called Buyung Canal. Persons 
convicted of capital crimes in the days of the independent sultanate were 
tied to a tree at this place and there their bodies were chopped to pieces ; 
hence the name "Busbus" which means to "chop up'' or "dress wood." 


Jolo lies about 4 miles from the point of intersection of latitude 6° 
north and longitude 121^ east. It is about 540 nautical miles due south 
from Manila and 81 nautical miles distant from Zamboanga. The har- 
bor is deep and free from currents. The bay is well protected on the 
north by the Islands of Pangasinan and Marongas and is safe from all 
storms except those from the northwest. 

Sulu occupies the most nearly central position of any island in easteni 
Malaysia. It lies between Mindanao on the east and Borneo on the 
west, and separates the Sulu- Sea from the Celebes Sea. The commercial 
advantages of this position are unique. To the north lie the Bisayas, 
Palawan, Luzon, Formosa, China, and Japan; to the east Mindanao 
and Basilan ; to the south, the Moluccas, Celebes, and Java ; to the west, 
Borneo, Sumatra, and the Malay Peninsula. Besides, the Sulus ^re 
natural-born sailors, and their famous pearl industry has prompted them 
to trade since time immemorial. Their boats brought silk, amber, 
silver, scented woods, and porcelain from China and Japan; gold dust, 
wax, dyes, saltpeter, slaves, and food stuffs from Luzon, the Bisayas, 
and Mindanao; gunpowder, cannon, brass, copper, iron, rubies, and 
diamonds from Malacca and Bruney ;^ pepper and spices from Java, the 
Moluccas, and Celebes. Chinese merchants traded with Sulu long before 
the arrival of Legaspi, and while Manila and Cebu were still small and 
insignificant settlements Jolo had reached the proportions of a city and 
was, without exception, the richest and foremost settlement in the Philip- 
pine Islands. Jolo, with the exception of Bruney, had no rival in north- 
east Malaysia prior to the seventeenth century. 

Such commercial importance naturally attracted the attention of the 
early Spanish Governors-General and was one of the causes which led 
to the early invasion of Sulu. The long period of warfare which fol- 
lowed this invasion retarded the progress of Jolo and reduced its trade. 
Again, the rise of Spanish commerce in the north tended to restrict the 
trade of Jolo. The growth of Manila, Cebu, and Iloilo naturally diverted 
the commerce of Luzon and the Bisayas and the north coast of Mindanao 
to those cities. The later commercial decline of Jolo was probably brought 
about more in this way than as a result of actual clash of arms. Jolo, 
however, remained an important port and a transshipping station to 
Mindanao until a late date. 

^A sultanate in northern Borneo. 

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At present trade ims assumed new proportions and is following new 
routes. Zamboan^a, Kota])ato, and Davao are directly connected with 
Manila by re^ilar steanisliij) lines, and Jolo is fast losing its importance 
as a transsliipping port. Zamboanga, on the other hand, is rising in 
importance and seems destined to become the port of Mindanao. It is 
tlie capital of the Moro Province and lies in the direct route connecting 
China, Manila, and Australia. It lids direct communication with Ma- 
nila, Hongkong, Singapore, and Australia, and is gradually diverting 
the trade of Mindanao from Jolo. 

In spite of overwhelming odds, however, Jolo will maintain con- 
siderable commercial importance. It has well-established trade rela- 
tions with Borneo, the Malay Peninsula, China, and Luzon, and is 
connected by regular steamship lines with Sandakan, Singapore, Manila, 
and Zamboanga. Practically the whole trade of the Sulu Archipelago 
passes through this port, and it stands now,. as ever before, as the center 
of business, power, and importance of the whole district of Sulu. 

In the early days the trade of Sulu was carried on by Moros and 
Chinese. The Chinese appear to have entered the Archipelago prior to 
its mohammedanization, and the commercial relations of China and Sulu 
are really prehistoric. As hostilities between Spain and Sulu increased, 
Sulu traders became less daring and grew fewer and fewer. Chinese 
traders, on the other hand, were less molested and conditions encouraged 
their increase. The "Chinese pier" is a very old business establishment, 
and Chinese tradei*s and merchants have resided in Jolo for many genera- 
tions. Their number., in 1851, exceeded 500. At present Chinese mer- 
chants have complete control of the trade of the Sulu Archipelago. They 
are found everywhere and command all the avenues of commerce. The 
Sulus have abandoned commerce as a trade and apparently have no in- 
clination to resume it on any large scale. This is due mainly to the 
decline of their power and the present abeyance of their national life. A 
new political reWval will no doubt change their attitude and may bring 
about a surprising development in arts and trades as well as of commerce. 

The trade between Jolo and various islands and settlements of the 
Archipelago is carried on by means of innumerable small Moro boats and 
sloops termed sapits. Formerly such boats traded with Bruney, Sanda- 
kan, the Celebes, Java, and all the various islands of the Philippine Ar- 
chipelago, but the stricter enforcement of the customs regulations, which 
followed the establisliment of open ports at Sitanki, Bangao, and Kagayan 
Sulu, had the effect of checking trade with foreign countries in such small 
boats and tended to concentrate the whole trade of the Archipelago 
at Jolo. A review of the imports and exports of the port of Jolo will 
therefore throw considerable light on tiie material resourc(»s of the Ar- 
chipelago, its industries, and the enter})rise of the natives. 


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Port of Jolo 




Animals, etc 

Brass, manufactures of _ 




Coffee — 

Cotton cloths, close woven 

Cotton cloths, loose woven _ 

Carpets - 

Yam and thread 

Knit fabrics 

Cotton cloths, all other manufactures of 



Earthen and stone ware 

Fibers, vegetable.. 

Dried fish _ _ 

Shellfish - 

Fruits, cHuned 

Fruits, not canned _' 

Glass and glassware 

Iron, steel, and manufactures of— 

Malt liquors - 


Minexal oils 

Vegetable oils 


Paper and manufactures of 

Condensed milk 

Rice - 

Silk and manufactures of __ _ _. 


Spirits, distilled 

Sugar, refined — 


Tobacco and manufactures of 

Vegetables — _ 

Wearing apparel 

Wood and manufactures of . _ 

Wool and manufactures of 

All others 

Fiscal year- 

Total in U. S. currency 

Total in Philippine currency . 






































¥■548, 562 









2, 419 



























^468, 544 



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Port of /oZo— Continued 




Hemp — 

Cordage— u 

Fish - 



Gutta-percha— - - 


Mother-of-pearl (shells) _ 

Tortoise shell 

Shells, all others ___ 

All others _ 

Total in U. 8. currency „J $188,884 1 $142,588 

Totol in Philippine currency | ^277, 768 I ^285, 066 

Fiscal year— 









Port of Zamboanga^ 


Agricultural imports— 

Wheat flour 



Copper, manufactures of 

Cotton cloths, close woven._ 

Cotton cloths, loose woven 

Cotton wearing apparel __ 

Cotton yam and thread _ 

Cotton, Itnit fabrics >— 

Cotton, all other manufactures 


Earthen and stone ware 

China ware 

Hats and caps 

Iron, sheet 

Cutlery, table _ 

Cutlery, all other 

Nails, wire 

Boots and shoes 

Beer in wood 

Beer in bottles _— 

Other malt liquors .- .__ 


Tin, manufactures of _ 

Oil, petroleum _ 

Milk, condensed 

Rice, husked 


Whiskey, bourbon 

Whiskey, rye _ 

Whiskey, all other 

Sugar, refined 

Tea _ _ — 

Zinc, manufactures of 

All other importe _ .„ 

Total in Philippine currency. 
































































' The Mindanao Herald, J«ly 21, 1906. 


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Port of Zamhoanga — Continued 




Bejuco (rattan) 


Coconuts _ 






All other gums and reslns. 

Hides, carabao 


Shells, mother-of-pearl 

SheU^, tortoise 

Shells, all other 


Wood, all kinds- 

All other exports 

Fiscal year- 





































Total in Philippine currency . 

174,894 269, 

J Gum copal. 

The above statements of the imports and exports of the port of Jolo 
for the fiscal years 1905 and 1906 have been obtained through the 
kindness and help of Mr. E. B. Cook, collector of customs for Jolo. They 
represent the total value of the imports and exports of the town to and 
from foreign ports only. They do not, however, give an idea of the 
grand total of the imports and exports of the Archipelago. Account must 
also be taken of the large amount of commodities smuggled into the 
country by means of small boats which continually run between the Tawi- 
tawi Group and Kagayan Sulu on the one side and Borneo and Palawan 
on the other. Moreover, it is difficult to tell what part of the trade of 
Basilan and the Samal group of islands is retained by Jolo and what part 
has lately been drawn away by Zamhoanga. Besides, some trade between 
Sulu and Basilan, on one side, and Mindanao, Negros, and Cebu on the 
other, is carried on by sailing craft; no account of this is taken either at 
Jolo or Zamhoanga. Since July 1, 1905, all boats under 15 tons register 
have not been required to present at the custom-house manifests of goods 
cayried. It is clear, therefore, that no correct estimate or opinion can be 
rendered on the strength of these figures, unless one is aided by personal 
observation and knowledge of actual conditions previous to July 1, 1903. 

Estimating the population affected by the trade of Jolo, at 100,000, 
we note that the importation of cloths and woven materials amounted to 
?^04,431 in 1905 and n96,836 in 1906, or 37 per cent and 42 per cent 


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of total imports, respectively. There is no doubt that the weaving in- 
dustry among Sulus and Samals is far from being adequate to furnish 
clothing material, and European cotton cloths are therefore extensively 
used throughout the Archipelago. 

The importation of rice amounted to 1P152,344 in 1905 and ^114,832 
in 1906, or 27 and 24 per cent of the total imports, respectively. The 
Sulus are agriculturists and should be able to raise sufficient rice for 
themselves and the Samals. The islands most fitted for this purpose are 
Sulu, Basilan, Tapul, Siasi, Pata, and Pandami. The Samals are not 
agriculturists as a rule and seldom raise anything except tapioca and 
com. They generally live on flat, low islands, unfit for the cultivation 
of rice. The Archipelago as a whole should produce sufficient rice, 
tapioca, corn, and camotes to feed the whole population. The importa- 
tion of rice in 1905 was probably in excess of the average amount; less 
rice was raised that year because of war and general disturbances. 

The commodities of next importance are yam and thread for weaving 
purposes. Importation of these articles amounted to ^36,118 in 1905 
and ^39,188 in 1906, or 7 and 8 per cent, respectively. The country 
does not produce silk, cotton, or wool. 

All other imports may be regarded as accessories. Of these opium 
comes first, then dyes, breadstuffs, sugar, iron, steel, brass, paper, and 
earthenware. A considerable amount of tobacco is imported by the 
government free of duty, and quantities of tobacco, opium, and cloths 
formerly were smuggled in. The reduction of imports in 1906 may be 
due to increased production, to the depression that followed the disturb- 
ances of 1904 and 1905, and to a diversion of certain parts of the trade 
to Zamboanga. 

The exports, on the other hand, show a light increase in 1906. They 
distinctly represent those resources of the country which are most capable 
of development. At the head of the list stands the shell industry, par- 
ticularly the pearl shell, which amounted to 1P1 89,472 in 1905 and 
^149,542 in 1906, or 64 and 52 per cent of total exports, respectively. 
The exportation of shell has lately been greatly afifected by the falling of 
the price of pearl shell in the market of Singapore. The exportation 
of other shells seems, on the contrary, to have increased. Pearl fishing 
is the principal industry of 'the country and forms the main source of 
its riches. The fishing is done exclusively by natives, but the trade seems 
to be wholly in the hands of Chinese. The figures given above do not 
include pearls. It is very difficult to obtain any statistics for this valu- 
able product, but on the whole it is reckoned by merchants as equivalent 
to the whole output of shell. 

Second in importance comes copra, which amounted to ^35,740 in 
1905 and ^60,104 in 1906, or 12 and 21 per cent of total exports, respec- 
tively. The marked increase of this export in 1906 may be explained 


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partly by increased production and partly by the general damage done to 
the trees in 1905 by locusts. Increase in the cultivation of coconut trees 
is not perceptible and can not account for the increase in exportation. 

Dried fish comes third in order, amounting to ^15,786 in 1905 and 
^26,302 in 1906. This industry is capable of unlimited development. 
The fertility of the Sulu Sea is unusual and can hardly be surpassed. 
Nothing but enterprise and organized effort is needed to render this trade 
a source of enormous wealth to the coimtry. The natives are exceedingly 
skillful in fishing, but lack ambition and initiative. The trade in fish 
is mostly in the hands of Chinese merchants. 

Fourth in importance comes hemp. Both in fiber and cordage its 
exports amounted to f=ll,140 in 1905 and ^21,230 in 1906. Hemp 
culture has markedly improved during the last year, and the increased 
production is sufficient to explain the increase in exportation. Coconut 
trees and hemp grow splendidly on all the larger islands of the Archi- 
pelago, and their cultivation is capable of extensive development. 

Copal and .gutta-percha are the products of Sulu, Basilan, and the 
Tawi-tawi Islands. Although sufficiently important in themselves, they 
sink into insignificance when compared with the four primary staple 
products and the immense possibilities that lie in the line of their 

The greater part of the trade of Jolo is handled by the Jolo Trading 
Company, the firm of Hernandez & Co., and the commercial houses 
of Chaun Lee and Ban Guan, all of which are controlled and managed 
by Chinese merchants. The following list compiled in the office of the 
Jolo Trading Company, for the Far Eastern Review, is a fair estimate 
of the prospective exports of the town for the coming two years : 



! PicuU. 
Hemp _— I 1,000 

Pearl shells 

Trepang or beche-de-mar 

Shark flns 

Hemp rope 

Caracoles (sea shells for buttons, etc.) . 

Black shells 

Copra - 

Seaweeds _ 

Hides - 

Cacao - - 

Tortoise shells 

Seahorses... _ 





















Grand total . 
















Hemp is generally exported to Manila, while the other articles men- 
tioned in the above table are generally exported to Singapore. 


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Trepang, shark fins, seaweed, and sea horses are foods highly prized 
by the Chinese. 

If the value of pearls taken is estimated on the basis suggested by the 
president of the Jolo Trading Company, it will ])ring the total up to 
"P58,760 per month. 


The present population of Jolo is less than 2,000. This includes all 
tlie natives and foreigners living in Tulay and Busbus; but the United 
States troops are excepted. The bulk of tne inhabitants is made up 
of Filipinos, Chinese, and Moros. The census report of 1903 gives the 
following statistics, which include Tulay and San Remondo, but not 
Busbus : 




Moro _ — 



Foreign born. 























Walled town . 


San Remondo . 



Total 1,270 

Males of voting age 

Brown : 


Mixed — Continued. 
189 Knglish 

Ilokano 9 Yellow: 

Moro 4 Chinese 392 

Tagalog 75 Japanese 1 

Bisayan 101 English 3 

English 14 White: 


All others 

Filipino .... 
Chinese .... 

American 22 

Spanish 2 

All others 1 

Total 641 

As the great majority of the "mixed'^ population have Chinese fathers, 
they, as a rule, follow Chinese custom and trade and may be regarded 
as Chinese. The Chinese element may therefore be classified as follows : 


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Pure _ 




Mixed _„ 





The Filipinos may be classified as follows : 





Brown « ._ 










The census statistics give a full and clear idea of the composition of 
the resident population of the town in 1903. The Chinese and their 
offspring, amounting to 600, undoubtedly form the preponderant ele- 
ment. The Filipinos come next, amounting to 483 only. Considerable 
change has, however, occurred since the census was taken, and neces- 
sitates a revision of the above figures. The increase of the garrison and 
the construction of many new buildings for the military post has caused 
an influx of Filipinos from Zamboanga and Kotabato, and more Chinese 
have undoubtedly come in since 1903. The census figures again do not 
include Moros, some hundreds of whom live at present in Tulay and 

The following, based on close personal obsen^ation, is considered a 
fair estimate of the present population : 


San Re- 










Chinese _ _ 

Filipinos _ 







• Most of these are females. 

The inhabitants of the town are more or less migratory in character. 
The population is constantly changing. Few are property owners. The 
majority are traders, carpenters, and domestic sen^ants. The Filipinos 
were originally "camp followers" and still feel as strangers in the land. 
Many of the Moros living at Tulay and Busbus are of mixed origin. The 
mixture is chiefly of Sulus and Samals, with each other and with Chinese. 
The Jolo type of Moros is by no means pure Sulu and has consequently 
misled many authors and ethnologists. A large number of Samals fre- 
quent Tulay and Busbus and often temporarily reside there, but because 
of their strong migratory habits no estimate has been made of them. 

A few Arabians, Malays, and Indian traders are married in the country, 
but their proportion is small and insignificant at present. 


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Chapter 11 



The manuscript of which a translation follows is an exact copy of 
the original, which is in the possession of Hadji Butu Abdul Baqi, 
the prime minister of the Sultan of Sulu. The genealogy proper begins 
on page 6 of the manuscript and is written entirely in Malay. This 
was the rule among all old Moro writers and is a decided indication 
of the authenticity of the document. 

Hadji Butu maintains that his ancestry goes back to Mantiri ^ Asip. 
one of the ministers of Raja Baginda, the Sumatra prince who emigrated 
to Sulu prior to the establishment of Mohammedanism in the island. 
The Sulu ministry seems to have remained in Asip's lineage down to the 
present time. 

The first five pages of the original manuscript are the genealogy of 
Asip's descendants. This part is written in Sulu and was probably 
composed at a later period than the Malay part of the book. It is 
written by XJtu. Abdur Rakman, the nephew of Imam Halipa, who is the 
son of Nakib Adak, the last person mentioned in the genealogy. Abdur 
Rakman is a cousin of Hadji Butu. 

The addition of these five pages to the Genealogy of Sulu is for the 
purpose of giving prominence and recognition to the sons of Asip, 
who have been the right-hand men of the Sultans of Sulu since the 
organization of the sultanate. 


This is the genealogy of the sultans and their descendants, who lived 
in the land of Sulu. 

The writing of this book was finished at 8 o'clock, Friday the 28th of 
Thul-Qa'idat,2 1285 A. H. 

It belongs to Utu ^ Abdur Rakman,* the son of Abu Bakr. It was 
given to him by his uncle Tuan ^ Imam * Halipa ^ Abdur Rakman. This 
is the genealogy of the Sulu sultans and their descendants. 

^ See below, p. 148. 

'The eleventh month of the Mohammedan year. 

' Sulu ; the head, the chief. 

* Arabic ; the slave of the Merciful. 

'^ Malay ; sir or mister. 

^ Arabic ; leader, caliph, high priest. 

^ A Sulu form of the Arabic "Caliph." 


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This is the genealogy of Mantiri ^ Asip, the hero and learned man of 
Menangkabaw.^ Mantiri Asip had the title of Oranghaya ^ at the time 
he came to Sulu with Raja* Baginda.*^ He married a woman from 
Purul ^ called Sandayli and begot Oranghaya Sumandak. Simiandak 
begot Oranghaya Manuk ^ and Oranghaya Hamba.* Manuk begot Orang- 
haya Buddiman ^ and Oranghaya Akal ^^ and Oranghaya Layu and 
Satya'^ Akum. His daughtei*s were San tan, Satan, Ambang, Duwi, 
Sitti,^^ and Tamwan. Oranghaya Buddiman begot Oranghaya Salimin ^^ 
and Dayang ^* Saliha.^'"' The former begot Hinda Da'ar Maputra and 
Utu Undik, Dayang ^^ Patima,^^ Dayang Bahira,** and Dayang Sawira. 
Dayang Saliha bore Idda. Akal begot Oranghaya Muhaddi, who begot 
Hinda Human. Oranghaya Layu begot Dayang JawsuP^-Manalum, 
who became famous. Manalum bore Ma'asum, Bulaying and Jamila.^^ 
Jamila bore Itang. Ma'asum begot Bayi. Bulayin begot Inda and 

Jawsul begot Na'ika and Kajiya.^^ The former begot Oranghaya 
Sila. Pajiya bore Tuan Aminud '^'^ Din.'^'^ Santan bore Ma'mun.^* 
Ma'mun begot Oranghayas Iltung and Amang. Satan bore Palas and 
Bahatul. Bahatul begot Abdul Hadi.-'^ Ambang bore Oranhayas Am in 
and Bunga.^'* Oranghaya Amin begot Rajiya and Zakiya.^^ Zakiya is 
the mother of Oranghaya Sila. Rajiya is the mother of Tuan Aminud- 
Din. Bunga l)egot Aliya and Salima.-^ Salima bore Hinda Baying 

* Malay-Sanskrit ; minister of state. 

2 The central high region of Sumatra. 

' Malay ; officer of state. It literally means "rich man." 

* Sanskrit ; king. 

* Malay-Sanskrit ; emperor or caliph. It is here used as a proper noun. 
^ A place in Lati, Sulu. 

" Sulu ; chicken, fowl. 
' Sulu-Malay ; slave. 

* Sanskrit ; wise. 

^^ Arabic ; understanding, mind. 

^1 Malay-Sanskrit ; subordinate officer of state. 

^^ Arabic ; lady, grandmother. 

" Arabic ; safe and sound. 

" Malay ; lady, woman. 

'• Arabic ; righteous. 

»« A title of nobility. 

*^ Arabic. Fatimah ; the name of the Prophet's daughter. 

1" Arabic ; brilliant. 

'" Arabic ; wife or husband. 

« Arabic ; beautiful. 

21 Arabic ; hoping. 

22 Arabic: faithful. 
2» Arabic ; religion. 

2* Arabic ; trusted or trustworthy. 

^ Arabic ; guide, leader. 

» Sulu ; fruit. 

2T Arabic : Intelligent. 

2* Arabic ; feminine of "salim" or safe and sound. 


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Duwi bore Manduli and hnmang. Manduli is the mother of Tuan 
Iman Anda and Xa'ima.* Immang bore Mali. Sitti bore Orangkayas 
Fgii, Garu, Abu Bakr, Abu Samnia, Manawun, Sayda, and Suda. Allak 
begot Ila and Malum.^ Ila boi-e Andimgayi. Malum is the father of 
Imming. Tamwan bore Ima. Ima begot Angkala. Angkala begot 
Inung. Inung begot Hinda Nakib ^ A dak. 


This is tlie geneah)gy of Tuan Masha'ika. It was said by the men 
of oUl that he was a prophet who was not descendinl from Adam. He 
was born out of a bamboo and was esteemed and respected by all tlie 
people. The people were ignorant and simple-minded in those days and 
were not Mohammedans of the Sunni sect. Some of them worshiped 
tombs, and some worshiped stones of various kinds. 

Ma^^ha'ika married the daughter of Kaja Si pad the Younger, who was 
a descendant of Sipad the Older. His wife's name waK Idda * Indira'^ 
Suga.* She l)ore three children, Tuan Hakim," Tuan Pam, and Wisha.** 
Tuan Hakim begot Tuan l)a'im,° Tuan Buda, Tuan Bujang, Tuan Muku, 
and a girl. Da'im begot Saykaba. Saykaba begot Angkan. Angkan 
begot Kamalud '" Din, and Katib ^^ Mu*allam '-^ A])ipu(P'' Din, and 
Pakrud '* Din, and many girls. 

Tuan May begot Datu Tka, who was surnamed Dina, Tjama and 
Timwan. Dina begot Abi ^^ Abdul Wakid *® and Maryam.^" 


This chapter treats of the original inhabitants of the Island of Sulu. 
The first dwellers of the land of Sulu were the people of Mayud)ung, 
whose rulers were the two brothei-s, Datu Sipad and Datu XarAvangsa. 
After them came the peopk* of Tagimaha, who formed another party. 
After these came the Bajaw (Samals) from Juhur. These were driven 
here by the tempest (monsoon) and were divided belw(*en l)()th ]>arties. 
Some of the Bajaw were driven l)y the tempest to Bruney aiul some to 

^ Arabic ; sleeping. 
2 Arabic ; known. 

' Arabic ; noble, subordinate officer of state. 
^ Sanskrit ; Iddha, kindled, lighted, or sunshine. 

5 Sanskrit ; Indra, the god of the heavens, or most likely Indira, name of LakshmT, 
the wife of Vishnu. 

* Sulu : light, sun. 
^ Arabic ; wise. 

" The name of Mohammed's wife. 

• Arabic ; everlasting, eternal. 
^^ Arabic ; perfection. 

" Arabic ; scribe. 

^ Arabic ; educated, taught. 

'^ Arabic ; virtuous. 

" Arabic : pride, glory. 

^^ Arabic : father. 

i« Arabic ; firm, resolute, an attribute of God. 

^" Arabic ; Mary. 


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Mindanao. After the arrival of the Bajaw, the people of Sulu became 
four parties.* Some time after that there came Karimul ^ Makdimi.* 
He crossed the sea in a vase or pot of iron and was called Sarip.* He 
settled at Bwansa,^ the place where the Tagimaha nobles lived. There 
the people flocked to him from all directions, and he built a house for 
religious worship. 

Ten years later Raja Baginda^ came from Menangkabaw to Sambu- 
wangan.** From there he moved to Basilan and later to Sulu. When 
he arrived at Sulu the chiefs of Bwansa tried to sink his boats and drown 
him in the sea. He therefore resisted and fought them. During the 
fight he inquired as to the reason why they wanted to sink his boats and 
drown him. He told them that he had committed no crime against 
them and that he was not driven there by the tempest, but that he was 
simply traveling, and came to Sulu to live among them because they 
were Mohammedans. When they learned that he was a Mohammedan, 
they respected him and received him hospitably. The chiefs of Sulu 
who were living at that time were Datu Layla ® Ujan, Datu Sana, Datu 
Amu, Datu Sultan,* Datu Basa, and Datu Ung. Another class of chiefs 
called Maniiri were Tuan Jalal,*^ Tuan Akmat,** Tuan Say lama, Tuan 
Hakim, Tuan Buda, Tuan Da'im, and Tuan Bujang. The Tagimaha 
chiefs were Sayk " Ladun, Sayk Sahdu, and Sayk Bajsala. The Baklaya 
chiefs were Orangkaya Simtu and Orangkaya Ingsa. All the above 
chiefs were living at the time Raja Baginda came to Sulu. 

There also came to Sulu from Bwayan,'-^ Sangilaya Bakti and Sangilaya 
Mansalah. The latter's wife was Baliya'an iffyaga. 

Five years after Raja Baginda's arrival at Sulu the Raja of Jawa** 
sent a messenger to Sulu with a present of wild elephants. The mes- 
senger's name was Jaya. He died at Ansang, and two elephants only 
arrived at Sulu. 

After that time there came Sayid *^ Abu Bakr from Palembang *® to 
Bruney and from there to Sulu. When he arrived near the latter place 
he met some people and asked them: "Where is your town and where 

^The Baklaya party should have been mentioned after the Tagimaha, but it was 
evidently left out by mistake. Tagimaha is a Sanskrit word which means country. 

' Arabic ; generous, noble. 

« Arabic ; served, master. 

^ Arabic ; noble, applied to a descendant of Mohammed. 

B Sulu, anchorage. The settlement lies 3 miles west of Jolo. 

' It is used here as a name. As a title it is higher than raja and is equivalent to 
sultan or emperor. 

' The Moro word- for Zamboanga. 

* Arabic : night, a common name. 

• Arabic ; power, superior authority, sultan. 
^^ Arabic ; glory. 

^A corrupt form of the Arabic Ahmad. 

"From the Arabic "Sheikh," meaning chief. 

i"A place in Sumatra (?) 

" Java. 

'^ Arabic ; master or noble, addressed to descendants of the prophet Mohammed. 

'•Town and state In southeastern Sumatra. 


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is your place of worship?" They said, "At Bwansa." He then came 
to Bwansa and lived with Raja Baginda. The people respected him, 
and he established a religion for Suln. They accepted the new religion 
and declared their faith in it. After that Sayid Abu Bakr married 
Paramisuli, the daughter of Raja Baginda, and he received the title of 
Sultan Sharif.^ He begot children, and his descendants are living to 
the present day. He lived about thirty years in~ Bwansa. 

After Abu Bakr, his son Kamalud Din succeeded to the sultanate. 
Alawad ^ Din did not become sultan. Putri ^ Sarip lived with her 
brother Alawad Din. Alawad Din married Tuan Mayin, the daughter 
of Tuan Layla. After the death of Sultan Kamalud Din, Maharaja* 
TJpu succeeded to the sultanate. After the death of tJpu, Pangiran ^ 
Buddiman became sultan. He was succeeded by Sultan Tanga. The 
sultans who followed are, in the order of their succession. Sultan Bungsu,® 
Sultan Nasirud ^ Din, Sultan Karamat,^ Sultan Shahabud ® Din, Sultan 
Mustafa ^® called Shapiud ^^ Din, Sultan Mohammed Nasarud *^ Din, 
Sultan Alimud ^^ Din I, Sultan Mohammed Mu^izzid ^* Din, Sultan 
Isra'il," Sultan Mohammed Alimud Din II, Sultan Mohammed Sara- 
pud ^^ Din, Sultan Mohammed Alimud Din III. 



These notes were copied by the author from a book in the possession 
of Hadji Butu, prime minister to the Sultan of Sulu. Pages 1, 2, and 
3 form a separate article. Tliey appear to be a supplement to the 
Genealogy of Sulu, but they were undoubtedly derived from a different 
source. Their contents are well known to the public and are probably 
an attempt on the part of Hadji Butu to register what seemed to him a 
true and interesting tradition of his people. 

Page 4 was copied by the author from an old, dilapidated document 
which was torn in many places. It no doubt formed part of an 
authentic genealogy of Sulu, older and more reliable than that of 
the manuscripts on pages 148 and 149. It is written in Malay. 

1 Arabic ; noble. This word is often pronounced by the Moros as "salip" or "sarip." 
' Arabic ; height. 
' Sanskrit ; princess. 

* Sanskrit ; greater king, emperor. , 

<^ In Malay it indicates rank or office ; in Sulu it is used only as a name. 

* Malay ; young. 

^ Arabic ; defender. 

■ Arabic ; honor, respect. 

•Arabic; star, meteor, bright flame. 

1® Arabic; chosen (by God). 

" Arabic ; Interceder. 

" Arabic ; victory. 

"FYom the Arabic v'azeem or great; not from 'Alim, meaning learned. 

** Arabic ; exalter or defender. 

»» Arabic ; Israel. ^ 

" Arabic ; honor. 


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Page 5 is a copy of a Sulu document issued by Sultan Jamalul-Kiram 
I in the year 1251 A. H., or about seventy-three 3^ear8 ago. It confers 
the title of Khatib or Katib ' on a Sulu pandita ^ named Adak. In con- 
ferring a title of this sort it is customary among the Sulus to give the 
person so honored a new name, generally an Arabic one, such as Abdur 
Razzak.^ The same custom is observed in the case of accession to the 
sultanate and other high offices. 

The writing at the top of the page is the seal of Jamalul Kiram. The 
date given in the seal is the date of his sultanate. The flourish at the 
end of the signature below is the mark of the writer. 


Translation of page 1 of the original manuscript, — The first person 
who lived on the Island of Sulu is Jamiyun Kulisa.* His wife was 
Indira ^ Suga.** They were sent here by Alexander the Great.^ Jami- 
yim Kulisa begot Tuan Masha'ika.^ Masha'ika begot Mawmin." Maw- 
min's descendants multiplied greatly. They are the original inhabitants 
of Sulu and chief ancestors of the present generation. 

Translation of page 2 of the original jnanuscript, — In the days of 
the Timway ^^ Orangkaya Su'il the Sulus received from Manila four 
Bisayan captives, one silver agong,^^ one gold hat, one gold cane, 
and one silver vasi', as a sign of friendship between the two countries. 
One of the captives had red eyes, one had black eyes; one, blue eyes; 
and one, white eyes. 

Translation of page S of the original manuscript. — The red-eyed 
man was stationed at Parang,^- and is the forefather of all the people 
of Parang. The white-eyed man was stationed at Lati,*"* and is the 
forefather of all the peoi)le of Lati. The l)lack-eyed man was stationed 
at Gi'tung,^** and is the forefather of the people of Gi'tung. The blue- 
eyed man was staticmed at Lu'uk/^ and is the forefather of the people 

* Arabic ; orator ; the pandita who reads the oration, a part of the religions services 
held on Friday. 

2 See Ethnological Survey Publications, Vol. IV, pt. 1, p. 64. 
' The servant of the giver. 

* Jamiyun is Sanskrit and means brother or sister's son ; Kulisa is Indra's thunderbolt. 
^ One of the names of the wife of Vishnu. 

* Sulu ; the sun. 

' The Sulus believed that Alexander the Great came to Sulu and that their ancient 
rulers were descended from him. 

** Sanskrit ; the plant Jamiyun Kulisa. Indira Suga, and Masha'ika are the names of 
the ancient gods of Sulu. Prior to Islam the Sulus worshiped the Vedic gods and 
evidently believed them to be the forefathers or creators of men. The Sulu author was 
ignorant of this fact and used the names of the gods as names of real men. 

•Arabic: faithful. 

w Chief. 

" A gong used for signals and in worship. 

"Western district of the Island of Sulu. 

"The northern and central district of the Island of Sulu. 

"The southern and central part of the Island of Sulu. 

"The eastern part of the Island of Sulu. 


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of Lu'uk. At that time the religion of Mohammed had not come to 

Translation of yage Jf. of the origiiml manuscript. — The first inhabit- 
ants of the Island of Sulu were the people of Maymbung.^ They were 
followed by the Taginiaha ^ and the Baklaya.* Later came the Bajaw 
(Samals) from Juhur. Some Bajaws were taken by the Sulus and were 
distributed among the three divisions of the island, while others drifted 
to Bruney and Magindanao. Some time after that there came Karimul * 
Makdum.^ He sailed in a pot of iron and the ancients called him 
Sharif Awliya.^ The Sulus adopted the Mohammedan religion and 
brought Makdum to Bwansa.** There the Tagimaha chiefs built a mos- 
que. Ten years later there arrived Raja Baginda, who emigrated from 
Menangkabaw." . Baginda came to Zamboanga fii-st. Froni there he 
moved to Basilan and Sulu. The natives met him on the sea for the 
purpose of fighting him. He asked them, "WHiy do you wish to fight 
a Mohammedan who is coming to live with you ?" He married there. 
The commission of Khatib Ahdur Razzak. 

TranMation of page .7 of the original manuscript. — Dated Wednesday, 
the tenth of Ramadan, in the year "D," the first, which corresponds to the 
^ -. year 1251 of the Hegirah of the Prophet Mo- 

hammed, may the l)est of God's mercy and 
blessing be his. This day his majesty our 
master, the Sultan Jamalul '^ Kiram " has 
granted Adak an official title by virtue of 
which he will be known as Khatib ^^ Abdur ^^ 
Razzak.^"* This is done in conference and 
consultation and with the consent of all the 
people, without dissent. 

By the will of God the most High. 
(Signed) The Sultan JaMxVUL Kiuam. 

[The End.1 

The Conqueror. 

By the order of 

the Omniscient King, The Soltan 

Mohammed Jamalul Kiram. 

The year 1289. 

1 The town where the present Sultan of Sulu resides. 

2 The inhabitants of the region west of the town of Jolo. 

* The inhabitants of the northern coast, east of Jolo. 

* Arabic; generous. 

* Arabic ; master or served. 

« Arabic : noble : a title applied to a descendant of Mohammed. 
» Arabic ; plural of wall, a man of God. 

* Sulu ; anchorage ; the ancient capital of Sulu. 
•A district In Sumatra. 

w Arabic ; beauty. 

" Arabic ; plural of karim, meaning generous. 

"Arabic; orator; a high religious title, allied to Imam. 

1* Arabic ; slave or servant. 

" Arabic ; the Giver, referring to God. 


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The Genealogy of Sulu is a succinct analysis of the tribes or elements 
which constituted the bulk of the early inhabitants of the island and is 
the most reliable record we have of the historical events which antedated 

The original inhabitants of the island are commonly referred to as 
Buranun or Budaniin, which means "mountaineers" or ^*hill people/' 
This term is occasionally used synonymously with Gimbahaniin, which 
means "people of the interior," and with Manubus in the sense of "savage 
hill people" or "aborigines." Some of the old foreign residents of Sulu 
maintain that they recognize considerable similarity between the Buraniin 
and the Dayaks of Borneo, and say that the home utensils and clothes 
of the Sulus in the earlier days closely resembled those of the Dayaks. 

The capital of the Buraniin was Maymbung. The earliest known 
ruler of Ma3rmbung was Raja Sipad the Older, of whom nothing is related 
except that he was the ancestor of Raja Sipad the Younger. In the days 
of the latter there appeared Tuan Masha'ika, about whose ancestry there 
seems to be considerable ambiguity and difference of opinion. According 
to the Genealogy of Sulu he was supposed to have issued out of a stalk 
of bamboo, and was held by the people as a prophet. The traditions state 
that Tuan Masha'ika was the son of Jamiyun Kulisa and Indira Suga, 
who came to Sulu with Alexander the Great. 

Jamiyun Kulisa and Indira Suga are mythological names * and in all 
probability represent male and female gods related to the thunderbolt 
and the sun, respectively. The former religion of the Sulus was of 
Hindu origin. It deified the various phenomena of nature and assigned 
the highest places in its pantheon to Indra, the sky ; Agni, the fire ; Vayu, 
the wind; Surya, the sun. The ancient Sulus no doubt had many myths 
relating to the marriages and heroic deeds of tlieir gods by which natural 
phenomena were explained, and it is not unlikely that the above story of 
Jamiyun Kulisa was one of those myths. Taken in this light, the above 

1 See p. 152. 

71296 4 155 


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legend may express the belief of the ancient Sulus that, by the marriage 
of the gods, Jamiyun Kulisa and Indira, rain fell and life was so imparted 
to the soil that plants grew. 

The word Masha^ika is so written in the Malay text as to suggest 
its probable formation from two words Masha and ika. The Sanskrit 
word Mdsha means "pulse" or "plant." Ika or eka means "one." On 
the other hand masha-ika may represent the two parts of the Sanskrit 
mdshika which means "five mdshas.^^ It may not therefore be improb- 
able that masha'ika refers to the subordinate deity which assumes the 
form of a plant or signifies the first man, whom the deity created from a 
plant. It is not an uncommon feature of Malay legends to ascribe a 
supernatural origin to the ancestor of the tribe, and Tuan Masha'ika 
probably represents the admission into the Buraniin stock of foreign blood 
and the rise of a chief not descended from Kajah Sipad the Older. The 
tarsila ^ adds that he married the daughter of Eaja Sipad the Younger, 
Iddha,^ and became the forefather of the principal people of Sulu. 

The common belief among the Sulus that Alexander the Great invaded 
their island is one of many indications which lead one to think that most 
of their knowledge and traditions came by the way of Malacca or Juhur, 
and possibly Tuan Masha^ka came from the same direction. It does 
seem therefore as if the dynasty of Sipad was supplanted by a foreign 
element represented by Tuan Masha^ika. 

These two elements were later augmented by the Tagimaha who settled 
at Bwansa and along the coast west of that point, and by the Baklaya who 
settled on the same coast east of the present site of Jolo. The four tribes 
thus brought so closely together mixed very intimately and later lost their 
identity in the development of a single nation, which reached its maturity 
under the guiding hand of a Mohammedan master. In spite of later 
impiigrations to the island and in spite of conquest and defeat, the 
national character thus formed has remained unchanged throughout 
history and the Sulu of to-day still maintains that same individuality 
which he acquired in his earlier days. 

The noted emigration of the Bajaws or Samals of Juhur must have 
begun in the earlier parts of the fourteenth century, if not earlier. These 
sea nomads came in such large numbers and in such qiiick succession as 
to people the whole Tawi-tawi Group, the Pangutaran and Siasi Groups, 
all available space on the coast of Sulu proper, the Balangingi Group, 
and the coasts of Basilan and Zaniboanga, before the close of the century 
and before the arrival of the first Mohammedan pioneers. 

The Samals exceeded the Sulus in number, and the effect of such 
overwhelming immigration must have been considerable ; but, nevertheless, 
the Sulu maintained his nationality and rose to the occasion in a most 
remarkable manner. The newcomers were taken into his fold and were 

* Genealogies ; see Vol. IV, pt. 1, p. 11, Ethnological Survey Publications. 
^ Sanskrit ; sunshine. 


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given his protection, for which they rendered noteworthy service; but 
their relation was never allowed to exceed that of a slave to his master 
or fhat of a subject to his ruler, and the Samals thus remained like 
strangers or guests in the land until a late date. 

Besides the Samals, some Bugis^ and Ilanun emigrants gained a 
foothold on the northern and northeastern coast of Sulu. The Bugis 
appear to have lost their identity, but the Ilanun are still recognizable 
in many localities, and some of the principal datus of Sulu still trace 
their origin to Mindanao. 

The numerous and extensive piratical expeditions undei-taken by the 
Sulus from time immemorial must have been a great source of further 
influx of foreign blood. The earliest traditions say that, in the days of 
the Timway,^ OrangJcaya Su'il, slaves or hostages were sent by the 
raja of Manila to secure the friendship of the Sulus. These slaves were, 
according to some accounts, of six colors, but the written records give 
them as four — red-eyed, white-eyed, blue-eyed, and black-eyed. The 
people do not entertain any doubt relative to the truth of these statements, 
and the custom is current even among the Samals of referring to the 
origin of some person as descended from the red-eyed slave, in making 
distinction as to whether he comes from a noble or is of low birth and 
as to the part of the country to which he belongs. According to general 
opinion the red-eyed slaves lived at Parang, the western section of the 
island; the white-eyed at Lati, the northern section lying to the east 
of Jolo ; the black-eyed at Gi'tung, the middle and southern section ; the 
blue-eyed at Lu'uk, the eastern section. 

This color distinction is difficult to explain, but it must have arisen 
out of the established custom of dividing slaves and captives, after 
returning from a piratical expedition, among the great chiefs of the 
various parties which composed the expedition. These parties as a 
rule belonged to four sections representing the four great districts of 
the island, over each of which one chief formerly was in authority.^ 

The number of elements which have thus entered into the constitution 
of the Sulu people must be great, for there was not a single island in 
the Philippine Archipelago which was spared by these marauders. 
Indeed, the nation owes its origin and its chief characters to piracy. 
As pirates these people took refuge in this island and lived in- it, and 
as pirates they have stamped their reputation on the annals of history. 

However, the Sulus do not differ in this particular point from ilie 
Malays of other countries. All Malays were equally addicted to piracy. 

^ Natives of the Celebes ; they were often called by the Spaniards Macassars. 

* Timway or tumuway, meaning "leader" or "chief," is the title given to the chiefs 
of the land before Islam. Timway has been replaced by datu. 

* It is possible that this color distinction arose from an early superstition or belief 
of Hindu origin assigning those divisions of the island to the four respective Hindu 
deities, who are generally represented by those four colors. 


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"It is in the Malay's nature/' says an intelligent Dutch writer, "to rove 
on the seas in his praii, as it is in that of the Arab to wander with his 
steed on the sands of the desert. It is as impossible to limit the adt^en- 
turous life of a Malay to fishing and trading as to retain a Bedouin in 
a village or in a habitation. * * * This is not merely their habit ; 
it may be termed their instinct." ^ 

"As surely as spiders abound where there are nooks and corners," 
says another, "so have pirates sprung up wherever there is a nest of 
islands offering creeks and shallows, headlands, rocks, and reefs — facili- 
ties, in short, for lurking, for surprise, for attack, and for escape. The 
semibarbarous inhabitant of the Archipelago, born and bred in this 
position, naturally becomes a pirate. It is as natural to him to consider 
any well-freighted, ill-protected boat his property as it is to the fishing 
eagle above his head to sweep down upon the weaker but more hard- 
working bird and swallow what he has not had the trouble of of catching." 

So we are told that before the days of Makdum and Raja Baginda, 
Sulu had long been an emporium not only of regular traders from most 
nations, but the headquarters of those piratical marauders who there 
found a ready market for enslaved victimsi 


To this period belongs the Mohammedan invasion of the Archipelago. 
If the Buraniin ^ were Dayaks in origin, they certainly did not keep their 
Dayak characteristics very long. For in all probability Tuan Masha'ika, 
the Tagimahas, and the'Baklayas were Malays ^ who came into Sulu from 
the west, and the dynasty established by Masha'ika must have exercised 
due influence on the Buranun. Whatever religion or customs these 
Malay conquerors had in their original land, tliey no doubt continued to 
practise in their new home. It does not api>ear tliat the Samals produced 
any change in this respect, and the same worship and social organization 
which the Sulus had remained unchanged until the Mohammedans reached 
the Archipelago. 

The two prominent characters who mark this era are Makdum and 
Raja Baginda. Makdum was a noted Arabian judge or scholar who ar- 
rived at Malacca about the middle of the fourteenth century, converted 
Sultan Mohammed Shah, the ruler, to Islam and established this religion 
throughout the state of Malacca. He evidently practised magic and 
medicine and exerted an unusually strong influence on the people of 

1 Quoted in Keppel's "Visit to the Indian Archipelago/' p. 127. 

'This term is applied in Sulu in the same sense as the Malay terms Orang-banua 
and Orang-bukit, meaning hill tribes or aborigines, or, as they say in Mindanao, 

' This term is used here in the same sense as Orang-Malayu meaning the better or 
seacoast Malays. 


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Israel •!* 

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Malacca. Continuing farther east, he reached Sulu and Mindanao about 
the year 1380.* In Sulu, it is said, he visited almost every island of 
the Archipelago and made converts to Islam in many places. The Island 
of Sibutu claims his grave, but the places at wliich he was most success- 
ful are Bwansa, the old capital of Sulu, and the Island of Tapul. It 
is said that the people of Bwansa built a mosque for him, and some of 
the chiefs of the town accepted his teachings and faith. The Tapul 
people claim descent from him, and some of them still regard him as 
a prophet. 

Makdum's success in preaching a new faith to people as independent 
in their individual views and as pertinacious in their religious practices, 
beliefs, and customs as the Sulus must have been in his time, is certainly 
remarkable and creditable to a high degree. The results of his mission 
to Malacca and Sulu throw a new light on the history of Islam in the 
Philippine Islands and modify the opinion formerly held relative to 
its introduction by the sword. How much of a lasting effect the teach- 
ings of Makdum could have had on Sulu is very difficult of estimation, 
but in all probability the new sapling planted in the soil of Sulu would 
have withered before long had it not been for the future current of 
events which watered it and reared it to maturity. 

Some time after Makdum (the Genealogy of Sulu says ten years) 
there came into Sulu a prince from Menangkabaw called Raja Baginda. 
Menangkabaw ^ is a rich, high r^on in central Sumatra, from which 
many Malayan dynasties seem to have come. Raja was the usual title 
applied to all Malayan kings. Baginda is said to have touched at Sam- 
buwangan (Zamboanga) and Basilan before reaching Sulu. The nature 
of such a move can not be explained unless he followed the northern 
route leading from Borneo to Kagayan Sulu, Pangutaran, and Zam- 
boanga, which route seems to have been taken by all Mohammedan mis- 
sionaries and invaders mentioned in tlie iarsila. 

The written records of Baginda's arrival and his later history are 
exceedingly brief. When he arrived at Bwansa, the Sulus came out to 
engage him in battle, as we would naturally expect; but, the tarsila 
continues, on learning that he was a Mohammedan, they desisted from 
fighting, invited him to stay with them, and seem to have entertained 
him very hospitably. Such an account is absurd on the face of it. Raja 
Baginda was not a trader nor a traveler touring the Archipelago. He 
was accompanied by ministers and no doubt came Xo Bwansa to stay 
and inile. His coming was an ordinary kind of invasion, which proved 
successful. When Abu Bakr reached Bwansa, as we will learn later, 

^ The determination of this date and that of the rule of Abu Bakr is covered by a 
complete statement which will appear in the chapter on the early Mohammedan mis- 
sionaries in Sulu and Mindanao, to be published in a later paper. 

*The first historic seat of Malay rule was Pagar Ruyong (in the mountains of 
Sumatra), the capital of the so-called "Empire of Menangkabaw." (Malay-English 
Dictionary, R. J. Wilkinson, III, 2.) 


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he was directed to Eaja Baginda, who must have been the supreme ruler 
of Bwansa. Accordingly we find all the chiefs of Sulu enumerated in 
the tarsila at the day of Baginda's arrival subordinate in rank, having 
no "rajas^^ among them. 

The Genealogy of Sulu is as misleading as the tarsila of Magindanao 
in that it pictures the arrival of Baginda as peaceful as that of Kabung- 
suwan. Some of the chiefs who were Mohammedans possibly intrigued 
against their former overlords, and, joining Baginda's forces, defeated 
their opponents; but the dearth of information relative to this early 
Philippine history renders it impracticable to secure any more light 
on the subject. It may not, however, be out of place to remind the 
reader that the fourteenth century was marked by unusual activity in 
methods of warfare. Gunpowder, which was known and used as an 
explosive long before that date, had not been made use of in throwing 
projectiles in battle. The Arabs, we know, used firearms early in the 
fourteenth century, and we may conjecture that they introduced such 
weapons into Malacca and other parts of Malaysia as they moved east. 
It is not improbable then that a prince coming from Sumatra was pro- 
vided with firearms which overawed the ignorant inhabitants of Bwansa 
and subdued the valor and courage of the Sulu and Samal pirates of 
those days. The statement made in the tarsila of Magindanao that, 
after the people of Siangan came down the river to where Kabungsuwan 
was anchored, "He beckoned (or pointed his finger) to them, but one 
of them died on that account, and they were frightened and returned," 
is the only kind of evidence found which can possibly be interpreted to 
indicate that a firearm was used. Lacking confirmation as this may be, 
yet we positively know that when the Spaniards reached these Islands, 
these people had an abundance of firearms, muskets, lantdka ^ and other 
cannon, and we may be justified in sajdng that probably firearms existed 
in the land in the century preceding the arrival of the Spaniards. This 
brings us approximately down to Baginda's days. 

In considering the etymology of the titles of the Sulu chiefs mentioned 
in the time of Baginda, we observe that they are of three classes. The first 
class were the datus. These had mantiri or ministers and probably 
represented the descendants of Raja Sipad and Tuan Masha'ika. The 
second class were the sayh, "Sayh" is probably derived from the Arabic 
"Sheikh" meaning "chief." These were the Tagimaha chiefs, and their 
rank was evidently subordinate to that of datu. The third class were 
the orangJcaya, the Baklaya chiefs. These are also subordinate in grade 
and could not have been higher than the sayk. The words datu and 
orangkaya it must be remembered are of Malay origin, while raja and 
baginda are Sanskrit, baginda being the highest and being often used 
as equivalent to emperor, while raja means only king. 

^ Brass cannon used by Moros. 

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Jawa is the Malay term for Java. The incident related in the tarsila 
relative to the gift of two elephants sent by the raja of Java to the 
raja of Suln is interesting, in that it explains the existence in Jolo of 
the elephants found there during the earlier Spanish invasions. It 
further indicates thiit Raja Baginda was not an insignificant chief and 
that he kept up some kind of communication with the rajas of western 

The elephants received by Baginda were let loose, the story says, and 
they lived and multiplied on Mount Tumangtangis. On the declivity 
of this mountain there is a place still called lubluhan-gaja, which means 
the "habitat or lying-place of the elephant." The people relate several 
stories which make mention of the elephant, one of which declares that 
the chief who killed the last wild elephant was given the hand of the 
sultan's daughter in man-iage, in admiration of his strength and bravery. 


Brevity is without exception a marked characteristic of alt Moro 
writings. Their letters, unlike tbose of the Malays and Arabs, are 
brief and devoid of compliment or detail. 

It is very difiBcult to pick out a superfluous word or phrase from the 
text of the Sulu tarsila. In fact, the narrative of events throughout 
the manuscript is so curtailed as to be reduced to a mere synopsis of 
headlines. It gives a very dim view of the general subject and leaves 
out much that is desired. Thus, the whole question of establishing 
Islam in Sulu and organizing its sultanate is dispensed with in one 
short paragraph briefly enumerating the following facts: That Sayid 
Abu Bakr came to Bwansa from Palembang by the way of Bruney ; that 
he lived with Raja Baginda and taught and established a new religion 
for Sulu; that he was greatly respected by the people; and that he 
married Paramisuli, the daughter of Baginda, and became sultan.' 

The traditions of the country, notwithstanding their brevity, add some 
further but less reliable information. It is the common belief that Abu 
Bakr was born in Mecca and that he lived some time at Juhur (or 
Malacca). Others state that it was his father, Zaynul Abidin, who 
came from Mecca and that Abu Bakr was born of the daughter of the 
Sultan of Juhur at Malacca. He came to Pangutaran first, the narrative 
continues, then to Zamboanga and Basilan. His younger brother, who 
had accompanied him, continued eastward to Mindanao, while he re- 
mained at Basilan for a short while. Having heard of Abu Bakr, the 
people of Sulu sent Oranghaya Su'il to Basilan to invite him to Bwansa 
to rule over them. This invitation was accepted and Abu Bakr was 
inaugurated sultan over Sulu soon after his arrival there. 


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From the annals of Malacca we know that Abu Bakr was a famous 
authority on law and religion and that his mission to Malaysia was 
prompted by enthusiasm for the promulgation of the doctrines of Abu 
Ishaq, which were embodied in a book entitled "Darul-Mazlum, or The 
House of the Oppressed or Ignorant." After preaching these doctrines in 
Malacca with success, he evidently proceeded farther east, stopping at 
Palembang and Bruney and reaching Sulu about 1450. The hospitality 
with which lie was received at Bwansa points to success in his mission to 
a degree that enabled him later to marry the Princess Paramisuli, the 
daughter of Raja Baginda. He established mosques there and taught 
religion and law; and the people and chiefs actually abandoned their 
former gods and practiced the new religion and observed its command- 
ments. This process of reformation and conversion was no doubt slow 
and gradual, but it was real and sure. 

There is no evidence to show that Abu Bakr had any military forces 
by virtue of which he could assume military authority and rule after 
Baginda's death. But it is perfectly credible that Raja Baginda, being 
without a male heir, appointed Abu Bakr, his son-in-law and chief judge 
and priest, as his heir, and delegated to him all the authority he exercised 
over Bwansa and the Island of Sulu." This it appears was acquiesced in 
by the native chiefs who accepted Abu Bakr as their temporal overlord, 
as well as their spiritual master. Claiming descent from Mohammed, 
he assumed the powers of a caliph and entitled himself sultan. The 
Sulus as a rule refer to him as As-Sultan ash-Sharif al-Hashimi, mean- 
ing the Sultan, the Hashimite Sharif or noble. The words Mohammed 
and Abu Bakr are generally left out when he is mentioned in prayer or 
in ordinary discourse. 

Having established the church, his next aim, after ascending the 
throne of Sulu, was the political reorganization of the government. This 
he undertook to frame on the same principles as those of an Arabian 
sultanate, giving himself all the power and prerogatives of a caliph. In 
enforcing such claims of absolute sovereignty, Abu Bakr declared to the 
people and their local chiefs that the widows, the orphans, and the land 
were his by right. This the people hesitated to submit to, and another 
measure was adopted which reconciled the interests of all parties. They 
agreed that all the shores of the island and all that territory within 
which the royal gong or drum could be heard should be the sultan's 
personal property, and that the rest of the island should be divided 
among the subordinate chiefs and their people. The island was ac- 
cordingly divided into five administrative districts, over each one of 
which one panglima exercised power subject to the supervision and supe- 
rior authority of the sultan. These districts were again divided into 
smaller divisions, which were administered by subordinate officers or 
chiefs called maharaja, orangl'aya, laksamana, parukka, etc. The dis- 


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tricts were called Parang, Pansul, Lati, Gi^ung, and Lu'uk. The 
boundaries which it seemed necessar}^ at that time to define were marked 
by large trees, none of which is living at present* Thus a sangay ^ tree 
separated Parang from Pansul. The location of this tree was at a 
point near Bud Agad and the stream Agahun, which runs down from 
Tumangtangis toward Maymbung. A hawnu ^ tree separated Pansul from 
Lati. This tree was located at a place called Indung, intermediate 
between Asturias and the walled town of Jolo. A mampalam ^ tree 
called Tarak separated Lati from Lu'iik. It was in the vicinity of the 
settlement of Su\ A variety of durian tree named Siggal-saggal formed 
the boundary of Lati and GiHung. 

According to later usage, these districts are defined as follows : Parang 
is the western district lying west of a line passing through a point east 
of the summit of Tumangtangis and a point on the southern coast 3 
miles west of Maymbung. A line passing through Mount Pula and a 
point a little east of Maymbung marks the boundary between Pansul on 
the west and Lati and Gi'tung on the east. The watershed is generally 
considered as the dividing line between Lati and Gi'tiing. A line joining 
Sii'on the north and Lubuk on the south separates Lati and Gi'tiing 
from Lu^uk. A sixth district has lately been carved out and termed 
Tandu, forming the easternmost part of the island. A line joining Suku- 
ban on the south and Limawa on the north divides Tandu and Lu'uk. 

The government thus organized was conducted in conformity with 
local customs and laws modified to such an extent as not to be repugnant 
and contrary to Mohammedan laws and the precepts of the Quran. To 
preserve this consistency, a code of laws was made and promulgated by 
Abu Bakr. This, once established, became the guide of all the subordi- 
nate officers of the state, who, as a rule, observed it and carried out its 
instructions. The general lines on which Abu Bakr conducted his gov- 
ernment seem to have been followed very closely by all his successors. 
Such an adventurous and aggressive man as he was could not have 
stopped within the limits of the island. In all probability he pushed out 
in various directions, but no records have so far been found which give 
any account of the conquests he made or the limits of his empire. 
Abu Bakr lived thirty years in Sulu and died about 1480. 



The dynasty founded by Abu Bakr ruled with a firmer hand and at- 
tained considerable power and fame. The new organization establishing 
law and order, consolidated the forces of the state and increased its 
influence on the outside world. Islam added a new element of strength 

1 Variety of mango. 

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and another stimulus to campaign and conquest. The Sulus never ex- 
ceeded 60,000 in number, yet we learn that, prior to the arrival of 
Magellan, their power was felt all over Luzon and the Bisayan Islands, 
the Celebes Sea, Palawan, North Borneo, and the China Sea, and their 
trade extended from China and Japan, at the one extreme, to Malacca, 
Sumatra, and Java at the other. 

Abu Bakr was succeeded by his second son, Kamalud-Din. Alawad- 
Din, the elder son, was weak-minded and was evidently not supported 
by the ministers of the state. The next three sultans who followed 
were Diraja, Upu, and Digunung. Their full names are, the Sultan' 
Amirul Umara ^ Maharaja Diraja, the Sultan Mu'izzul Mutawadi^in ^ Ma- 
hai-aja Upu, the Sultan Nasirud-Din Awal ^ Digunung* (or Habud*^). 

The sixth sultan was Mohammedul Halim*' Pangiran Buddiman. Dur- 
ing his reign Governor Sande equipped and directed large expeditions 
to Borneo and Sulu. The armada sent to Sulu was commanded by 
Capt. Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa and reached the town of Jolo in 
June, 1578. It is asserted that Eodriguez defeated Pangiran and 
exacted tribute from the Sulus. Rodriguez, however, did not occupy 
Jolo, and no permanent advantage wafi derived from his victory. 


This invasion marked the beginning of a state of war between Sulu 
and Spain, which covered a period of three hundred years and caused con- 
siderable devastation and loss of life. It cost Spain an immense loss of 
men and money and finally brought on the decline of Sulu and its end as 
an independent state. The magnitude of this strife, its far-reaching 
effects, and its bearing on the Spanish and American occupation of Sulu, 
invites special attention to the causes of the war and the Sulu character 
which it depicts. 

The expedition to Jolo formed part of and immediately followed the 
expedition which was directed by Governor Sande against Borneo. There 
is no doubt that, besides the reasons Sande gave for the expedition to 
Borneo, he was really actuated by jealousy of the Portuguese, whose 
influence had reached Bruney and the Moluccas, and by a strong desire to 
conquer Borneo, Sulu, Mindanao, and the Moluccas. His reasons for 
sending the expedition against Sulu are best given in his letter of in- 
structions to Capt. Rodriguez de Figueroa, which is extremely interesting 
and is herein quoted in full : ^ 

^ The prince of the princes. 
2 The exalter of the humble. 

* The defender of the faith ; the first. 

* Malay word, meaning "in the mountain." 
» The Sulu equivalent of "Digunung." 
«The kind. 

^ "The Philippine Islands," Blair and Robertson, Vol. IV, p. 174. 


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That which you, Capt. Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, shall observe on the 
expedition which you are about to make, God our Lord helping, is as follows : 

From this city and Island of Borneo, God willing, you shall go to the Islands 
of Sulu, where you shall endeavor to reduce that chief and his people to the 
obedience of his Majesty. You shall bargain with them as to what tribute 
they shall pay, which shall be in pearls, as they are wont to give to the King 
of Bruney. You shall exercise great care and, if possible, much mildness; for 
it is of importance that those islands should not become depopulated; therefore, 
in case they receive you peaceably, you shall treat them well. And, in addition 
to the above, you must order that, besides the tribute that they are to pay in 
pearls, they shall obtain as many of them as possible, so that we, the Spaniards 
or Castilians, may buy them; that they must trade with us from now on; that 
every year Castilians will go to their lands with cloths and merchandise from 
China, of whatever they shall declare that they may need. You shall inform 
yourself of their needs; and if they wish to come to our settlements you shall 
give them permission to go freely to Manila and to come to Borneo, although 
not to steal. 

Item: You shall find out from them the whereabouts of the artillery and 
anchors of a ship lost there some three years ago; and you shall seek it and 
see that it be brought you with all haste. You shall keep close watch over 
the artillery, ammunition, vessels, sails, and other like things pertaining to the 
armed fleet; and you shall deprive them of those supplies, for it is notorious 
that those people are common marauders. * 

And because of my information that the chief who calls himself lord of Sulu 
is a Bomean, and owns houses in this city of Bruney; that he fought against 
us in the naval battle, and that he fled to Sulu, where he is now; and since 
I am told that he took two galleys and three small vessels, artillery and ammuni- 
tion, you shall exercise the utmost despatch to obtain the said galleys, vessels, 
artillery, and ammunition. If he acquiesce, you shall give him a passport. 
You shall see whether he has any children; and if so, you shall take one, and 
tell him that he must come to see me in Bruney in February. 

And, as I have said, this must be done if possible gently, in order that no 
people may be killed. You shall tell him that it will be to their advantage 
to be vassals of his Majesty and our allies. If they do not act respectfully, 
and it shall be necessary to punish them in another manner, you shall do so. 
And inasmuch as the Sulus, as is well known, are open pirates, whose only 
ambition is to steal, and to assault men in order to sell them elsewhere — 
especially as they go annually for plunder among all the Pintados* Islands, 
which are under his Majesty's dominion — you shall try to ascertain the Pintados 
slaves among them, in order to return such to their homes, especially those 
who are Christians. And, as I have said, you shall deprive them of such 
vessels as seem to be used for raids, leaving them their fishing vessels, so that 
if the said lord of Sulu so desire, he can come to confer reasonably with me. 
Thus you shall ascertain who has vessels, and who can inflict injuries; and you 
shall command them expressly to settle down on' their land, to cultivate, sow, 
and harvest, develop the pearl industry, and cease to be pirates. You shall 
order them to raise fowls and cattle. You shall try to ascertain their niunber, 
and bring it to me in writing, in order that I may see it, together with the 
distance from these islands to the Sulu Islands, information regarding the food, 
water, and healthfulness of that land, and other things that may occur to you. 
And you shall tell the people in my name that they shall tame for me a couple 
of elephants, and that I shall send for those animals and pay for them. 

^ Bisayas. 


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After having finished affairs in Sulu, if time permits, you shall, God willing, 
go to the Island of Mindanao. There you shall try, by the most convenient 
methods and with friendliness, to reduce the chief of the river of Mindanao, 
and the other chiefs of that island, and of those near by, to the obedience of 
his Majesty, giving him to imderstand what they will gain in becoming his 
Majesty's vassals and our allies, and in having trade with us. 

And, in order that the tribute may not prevent them from making peace 
with us, you shall not ask them for any tribute; but you shall take what they 
give freely, and nothing more, and in such form as they are willing to give. 
Thus you shall suit their convenience in everything pertaining to them, and 
cause them to understand the great expenses of his Majesty in this land. You 
shall also tell them that the gain therefrom affects them chiefly, since we come 
to teach them our civilization, and most of all the service of God, our Lord, 
who created and redeemed them, and of whom they are ignorant; and how to 
live in accord with natural law, as is their obligation. For this purpose you 
shall tell them that you are going to their land for two principal reasons: 

The first is that they should cease to be pirates, who rob and harry the 
weak, and enslave wherever and whomsoever they can, selling their captives 
outside of their o\vti island, and separating them from their wives and children; 
and that they must cease to commit other like cruelties and thefts, and must 
become good and virtuous men, w^ho shall grow to merit the second and principal 
reason for going to their lands. You shall give them to understand that they 
are ignorant of God, our Lord, who created and redeemed them, so that when 
they know him they may serve him and become good. It is quite evident that 
they will gain very much in these things, and therefore it is right that they 
aid us and give us something. This shall be at their own will, as above said. 

Item: You shall order them not to admit any more preachers of the doctrinfe 
of Mohammed, since it is evil and false, and that of the Christians alone is 
good. And because we have been in these regions so short a time, the lord of 
Mindanao has been deceived by the preachers of Bruney, and the people have 
become Moros. You shall tell them that our object is that he be converted to 
Christianity; and that he must allow us freely to preach the law of the Chris- 
tians, and the natives must be allowed to go to hear the preaching and to be 
converted, without receiving any harm from the chiefs. 

And you shall try to ascertain who are the preachers of the sect of Mohammed, 
and shall seize and bring them before me and you shall burn or destroy the 
house where that accursed doctrine has been preached, and you shall order that 
it be not rebuilt. 

Item: You shall order that the Indians* shall not go outside of their island 
to trade; and you shall seize those vessels used for plundering excursions, 
leaving them those which, in your judgment, are used for trade and fishing. 
You shall take also what artillery and ammunition they have. 

You shall ascertain the harvest seasons and products of the land; the gold 
mines and the places where tliey wash gold; the number of inhabitants and 
their settlements; and their customs. You must especially secure information 
regarding cinnamon, in order to ascertain if it is found along the river, or if 
one must go to Cavite for it, and why it is not as good as that which the 
Portuguese take to Castilla. You shall ascertain how they cut and strip it from 
the tree, and if it be of importance that it dry on the tree, or in what other 
manner it should be treated, for I have been told that that obtained from these 
districts in the past has not been good and has not a good sale in Spain. 

1 Natives of the Philippine Islands. 

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And, since it might happen that the people will not make peace, and may 
oflfer fight, and show disrespect, then you shall punish them as you deem best, 
taking special care not to trust themj for it is evident that before all else they 
will, if possible, commit some treachery. You must not await such an occasion, 
for we know already their treachery against his Majesty's fleet commanded by 
Villalobos, certain of whose men they killed under assurances of safety; and 
they seized a boat. In that treachery all the inhabitants of the islands were 
participants; for four or five thousand of the said natives attacked one small 
boat, which contained four or five Spaniards. Likewise many people took part 
in the killing of the said Villalobos's master-of-camp, and other soldiers, in that 
same year. You shall remind them of these things, and warn them; for, from 
now on, we shall destroy them and their generation. 

And, since it might happen that, without any occasion of war or peace, the 
said natives flee to the mountains, you shall order that certain of the said 
natives summon them; and, when they have come, you shall discuss the matter 
with them. If they refuse to come, you shall, in conformity with your orders, 
remain there a given time. And if they continue to refuse to come down, you 
shall leave them, and shall return, without permitting their houses to be burned 
or their palm trees to be cut down. Neither shall anything be stolen from 
them; but you shall take only what is absolutely necessary for food and the food 
and other things necessary to provision your vessels for the return trip. 

You shall try to secure information of the Island of Linboton, as well as of 
Batachina and Celebes, so as to advise me thereof; and you shall do this in 
accord with the time limit I have set for you to make this exploration, and 
you shall observe the same rule as in that of Mindanao. 

In order that we may allot in encomiendas * whatever people are found in 
these districts, you shall bring me a signed notarial writ. Thus, as those lands 
have no other o^vner, the natives thereof may be reduced to the obedience of 
his Majesty, according to his will — and by war, if the natives begin it, so that 
war on our part may be just, and that the same justice may continue, so that 
we can compel them to obey, and impose tributes upon them. You shall exercise 
much diligence in this and see to it that these orders be carried out carefully 
and intelligently. 

God willing, I shall be in Bruney by the end of the month of January next — or, 
at the latest, by the eighth of February — with the fleet and all the necessaries 
that must be brought from Manila, and that which is here. And at that time 
your grace shall come to Bruney with the fleet that you have, and with all the 
people that you have or shall have in the Pintados, so that we may do here 
whatever is proper for the service of his Majesty, to which we are bound. These 
instructions must not be disregarded in any point, unless I advise you to the 
contrary by letter. And to this end you shall see that all who live and dwell 
there be commissioned for the above, in addition to their own duties. Given 
at Bruney, May twenty-three, one thousand five hundred and seventy-eight. 

If the natives of Mindanao or of any other place shall give tribute according 
to the above, you shall act according to the usual custom in these islands — 
namely, you shall take one-half and place it to the account of his Majesty, while 
the other half shall be distributed among the soldiers. Given ut supra. 

Doctor Francisco de Sand6. 

Before me: 

Alonso Beltran, 

His Majesty's notary. 

1 Large estates assigned to Spaniards. 

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The above shows clearly that Governor Sand6 intended, first, to reduce 
Sulu to a vassal state ; second, to exact tribute in pearls ; third, to secure 
the trade of Sulu for the Spaniards; fourth, to punish the Sultan of 
Sulu for the help he rendered the Sultan of Bruney against the Spanish 
forces; fifth, to rescue the Christian slaves in Sulu; sixth, to deprive 
the Sulus of their artillery and ammunition and of all vessels except 
fishing vessels, in order to stop their piracy; seventh, to compel the 
Sulus to become peaceful agriculturists; eighth, to uproot the "accursed 
doctrine'^ of Mohammed and to convert the Sulus to the Christian 

The leader of the expedition was directed to carry out these instruc- 
tions as carefully and as gently as possible; and there is no reason to 
think that he failed to comply with his orders to the letter. But no 
matter how careful and faithful Captain Rodriguez could have been, 
it was not difficult for the Sulus to understand the purpose of the ex- 
pedition and the motives of the Spanish Government, and it does not 
stand to reason that such people would yield to vassalage and receive 
a direct insult to their religion without resentment and without a 
struggle. Governor Sande knew the reputation of the Sulus, but he must 
have underestimated their strength and failed to provide garrisons for 
the occupation of the conquered territory and the protection of peaceful 

In January, 1579, Governor Sand6 sent an expedition to Mindanao, 
commanded by Capt. Gabriel de Ribera, under instructions similar to 
those given to Captain Rodriguez. Ribera had additional orders to visit 
Jolo and collect the tribute for that year, and special stress was laid on 
procuring from the Sultan of Sulu "two or three tame elephants." 
Ribera accomplished nothing in Mindanao; the natives abandoned their 
villages and fled to the interior. On his return to Kawite or Caldera, 
he met a deputation from Jolo, which brought insignificant tribute and 
informed him of the existence of famine in Sulu and the extreme 
distress of the people. He returned their tribute, receiving in its place 
a cannon, which the Sulus had obtained from a wrecked Portuguese 
galley. Ribera then returned to Cebu, without producing any significant 
effect on conditions in Sulu. 

In April, 1580, Governor Sand6 was relieved by Governor Gonzalo 
Ronquillo, who did not take the same interest in Borneo and Sulu. In 
the same year the kingdom of Portugal and its rich eastern colonies 
were annexed to the Spanish domain. No danger could then be expected 
from the direction of Borneo and Sulu, and the ambitious new Governor- 
(leneral turned his attention to more desirable fields of conquest. 

Piracy was not the primary cause of this invasion of Sulu. Public 


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sentiment was not so strong against slavery in those days as it is now; 
for the Spaniards and other leading civilized nations were then diligently 
pursuing a profitable trade in it between the west coast of Africa and 
the West Indies and America. Piracy is always a crime among nations, 
but it can not be urged as the principal and leading cause of this war 
or as sufficient reason in itself for the early precipitation of such a 
deadly conflict between Sulu and Spain. Religion, on the other hand, 
was declared by Governor Sande to be the "principal reason for going 
to their lands." He ordered the Sulus not to admit any more preachers of 
Islam, but to allow the Spanish priests to preach Christianity to them. 
The Mohammedan preachers he directed to be arrested and brought to 
him, and the mosques to be burned or destroyed and not to be rebuilt. 

Part of the instructions the Adelaniado ^ Miguel Lopez de Legaspi 
received before embarking on his expedition to the Philippines read as 
follows : 

Aiid you shall have especial care that, in all your negotiations with the 
natives of those regions some of the religious accompanying you be present, both 
in order to avail yourself of their good counsel and advice, and so that the 
natives may see and understand your high estimation of them; for seeing this, 
and the great reverence of the soldiers toward them, they themselves will hold 
the religious in great respect. This will be of great moment, so that, when 
the religious shall understand their language, or have interpreters through whom 
they may make them understand our holy Catholic faith, the Indians shall 
put entire faith in them; since you are aware that the chief thing sought after 
by his Majesty is the increase of our holy Catholic faith, and the salvation of 
the souls of those infidels.^ 

In 1566, a petition was sent from Cebu to the King of Spain, bearing 
the signatures of Martin de Goiti, Guide de Labezari, and the other 
leading officers under Legaspi, setting forth, among other requests, the 
following : 

That the Moros, "because they try to prevent our trade with the natives 
and preach to them the religion of Mohammed," may be enslaved and lose their 
property. That slave traffic be allowed, "that the Spaniards may make use of 
them, as do the chiefs and natives of those regions, both in mines and other 
works that offer themselves."* 

In a letter addressed to Legaspi King Philip II said : 

We have also been petitioned in your behalf concerning the Moro Islands in 
that land, and how those men come to trade and carry on commerce, hindering 
the preaching of the holy gospel and disturbing you. We give you permission 
to make such Moros slaves and to seize their property. You are warned that 
you can make them slaves only if the said Moros are such by birth and choice, 
and if they come to preach their Mohammedan doctrine or to make war 
against you or against the Indians, who are our subjects and in our royal service. 

lAn honorific title given to the early governors of the Philippines. 
'The Philippine Islands, Blair and Robertson II. pp. 98, 99. 
«Ibld.. II, p. 156. 


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In a letter addressed to King Philip II Bishop Salazar writes, June 
27, 1588, as follows: 

The second point is tliat, in the Island of Mindanao, which is subject to 
your Majesty, and for many years has paid you tribute, the law of Mohammed 
has been publicly proclaimed, for somewhat more than three years, by preachers 
from Bruney and Ternate who have come there — some of them even, it is 
believed, having come from Mecca. They have erected and are now building 
mosques, and the boys are being circumcised, and there is a school where they 
are taught the Quran. I was promptly informed of this, and urged the president 
to supply a remedy therefor at once, in order that that pestilential fire should 
not spread in th^se islands. I could not persuade them to go, and thus the 
hatred of Christianity is there; and we are striving no more to remedy this 
than if the matter did not concern us. Such are the calamities and miseries 
to which we have come, and the punishments which God inflicts upon us.^ 

In drawing a contract with Capt. Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, in 
1591, for the pacification and conquest of Mindanao, the Governor and 
Captain-General Gomez Perez Dasmarinas makes the following decla- 
rations : 

His Majesty orders and charges me, by his royal instructions and decrees, 
as the most worthy and important thing in these islands, to strive for the 
propagation of our holy faith among the natives herein, their conversion to the 
knowledge of the true God, and their reduction to the obedience of His holy 
church and of the king, our sovereign. ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Moreover, the Island of Mindanao is so fertile and well inhabited, and teeming 
with Indian settlements, wherein to plant the faith, » ♦ ♦ and is rich in 
gold mines and placers, and in wax, cinnamon, and other valuable drugs. And 
although the said island has been seen, discussed, and explored, * ♦ * no 
eflfort has been made to enter and reduce it, nor has it been pacified or furnished 
with instruction or justice — quite to the contrary being, at the present time, 
hostile and refusing obedience to his Majesty; and no tribute, or very little, 
is being collected. ♦ ♦ ♦ 

Besides the above facts, by delaying the pacification of the said island greater 
wrongs, to the oflFense and displeasure of God and of his Majesty, are resulting 
daily; for I am informed that the king Of that island has made all who were 
paying tribute to his Majesty tributary to himself by force of arms, and after 
putting many of them to death while doing it; so that now each Indian pays 
him one tae* of gold. I am also told that he destroyed and broke into pieces, 
with many insults, a cross that he found, when told that it was adored by the 
Christians; and that in Magindanao, the capital and residence of the said 
king, are Bornean Indians who teach and preach publicly the false doctrine of 
Mohammed, and have mosques; besides these, there are also people from 
Ternate — gunners, armorers, and powder-makers, all engaged in their trades — 
who at divers times have killed many Spaniards when the latter were going 
to collect the tribute, ♦ ♦ • without our being able to mete out punishment, 
because of lack of troops. By reason of the facts above recited, and because all 
of the said wrongs and troubles will cease with the said pacification; and, 
when it is made, we are sure that the surrounding kingdoms of Bruney, Sulu, 
Java, and other provinces, will become obedient to his Majesty: therefore, in 

Ubid., VII, p. 68, 69. 

2 So given In the text without explanation. It la probably a weight. 


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order that the said island may be pacified, subdued, and settled, and the 
gospel preached to the natives; and that justice may be established among them, 
and they be taught to live in a civilized manner, and to recognize God and His 
holy law, I have tried to entrust the said pacification to a person of such character 
that he may be entrusted with it.* 

It is plain, therefore, that the sentiment of the times justified war 
on the Moros for the cause of religion alone, and that, though the 
primary object was conquest, no doubt the religious motives of the Span- 
iards were stronger than their desire to check piracy. But, of all the 
Christian nations, the Spaniards should have been most aware of the 
tenacity, determination, and courage with which the Mohammedans 
defend their faith, and the Sulus were no exception to the rule, for they 
had been bom and reared in that religion for more than four generations. 

A wiser policy on the part of Governor Sande would have either let 
the Moros of Sulu and Mindanao alone, or effected a complete reduction 
of the state of Sulu and immediate occupation of the coasts of Mindanao 
with strong forces; for it appears from all accounts that neither the 
Sulus nor the Magindanaos were as strongly organized then as they 
were a generation later, and either alliance or war should have been 
easier then than afterwards. 

The Spaniards at that time were excellent warriors. Their conquests 
of the Bisayan Islands and Luzon were rapid and brilliant, but it appears 
that the system of government which they inaugurate<l there met with 
distinct failure the minute it was extended to the more organized com- 
munities and the greater forces they encountered in the south. The 
Sulus, on the other hand, fought in the defense of their national inde- 
pendence and religion, and never found life too dear to sacrifice in that 
cause. They resented the treatment of Spain, and in their rage and 
desire for revenge built stronger forts and fleets and became fiercer 


Pangiran must have died about 1579 and was followed by Sultan 
Batara Shah Tangah, who is in all probability the Paquian or Paguian 
Tindig of the Spanish writers. Tangah's claim to the sultanate was 
strongly contested by his cousin, Abdasaolan^ who ruled over Basilan. 
The latter attacked Jolo with a strong force, but failed to reduce its 
forts. Tangah, however, felt insecure and went to Manila to request 
Governor Sanders aid and returned to Sulu with two Spanish armed 
boats {caracoas),^ Abdasaolan, whose power had in the meantime 
increased, prepared for defense and watched for the advance of the 

» The Philippine Islands, VIII. pp. 73-75. 

^Apuntes sobre Jolo, Esplna, p. 56. 

' A large canoe used by the Malayan peoples with two rows of oars, very light, and 
fitted with a European sail ; its rigging of native manufacture. (Philippine Islands, 
II, p. 246.) 

7121)0 5 

1 03 J 

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Sultan's boat. Finding that the caracoas were at a considerable distance 
from the Sultan's boat he manned two light salisipans * with a strong force 
and dispatched them with speed to intercept Tangah. The Sultan's party 
was completely surprised, and in the fight that resulted Tangah was 
killed. On reaching Jolo the Spanish forces attacked the town. The 
Sulus fought valiantly, but their fort was reduced. The oflBcers in 
command of the caracoas assembled the people and had Raja Bungsu, 
who was woimded in the fight, elected sultan to succeed Tangah. The 
fiill title of Bungsu was 'The Sultan Muwallil Wasit Bungsu." ^ 


In 1596 Capt. Esteban Rodriguez led an expedition into Mindanao, for 
its conquest and pacification. 

It is maintained that he proceeded up the Mindanao River as far as 
Bwayan, the capital of the upper Mindanao Valley. 

Don Esteban Rodriguez prepared men and ships, and what else was necessary 
for the enterprise, and with some galleys, galleots, frigates, vireys,* harangays;' 
and lapiSi*- set out with two hundred and fourteen Spaniards for the Island of 
Mindanao, in February of the same year, of 1596. He took Capt. Juan de 
la Xara as his master-of-camp, and some religious of the Society of Jesus to 
give instruction, as well as many natives for the service of the camp and fleet. 

He reached Mindanao River after a good voyage, where the first settlements, 
named Tampakan and Lumakan, both hostile to the people of Bwayan, received 
him peacefully and in a friendly manner, and joined his fleet. They were alto- 
gether about six thousand men. Without delay they advanced about 8 leagues 
farther up the river against Bwayan, the principal settlement of the island, 
where its greatest chief had fortified himself on many sides. Arrived at the 
settlement, the fleet cast anchor and immediately landed a large proportion of 
the troops with their arms. But before reaching the houses and fort, and while 
going through some thickets [cacatall b near the shore, they encountered some 
of the men of Bwayan, who were coming to meet them with their fcowptZan,* 
carcusas/: and other weapons, and who attacked them on various sides. The 
latter [i. e., the Spaniards and their alliesl, on account of the swampiness of 
the place and the denseness of the thickets [cacatal], could not act unitedly as 
the occasion demanded, although the master-of-camp and the captains that led 
them exerted themselves to keep the troops together and to encourage them to 
face the natives. Meanwhile Governor Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa was watch- 
ing events from his flagship, but not being able to endure the confusion of his 
men, seized his weapons and hastened ashore with three or four companions and 
a servant who carried his helmet in order that he might be less impeded in his 
movements. But as he was crossing a part of the thickets [cacatal 1 where the 

* Large Moro boat with outriggers. 

* BungBU, the sultan ; sire and Intermediator. 

* Name of boat used in the Philippine Islands. 

* A long weapon resembling a sword, used by Moros. 

» Rizal conjectures that this word is a transformation of the Tag&l word, lampitaw, 
a small boat still used in the Philippines. 

*'We follow Stanley's translation. He derives the word cacatal (zacatal) from zacate, 
or aa^ate, signifying "reed," "hay," or other similar growths, zacatal thus being a 
"place of reeds" or a "thicket." 

« From kalaaag, a shield. (Rizal.) 


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fight was waging, a hostile Indian stepped out unseen from one side and dealt 
the governor a blow on the head with his kampilan that stretched him on the 
ground badly wounded.* The governor's followers cut the Mindanao to pieces 
and carried the governor back to the camp. Shortly after the master-of-camp, 
Juan de la Xara, withdrew his troops to the fleet, leaving behind several Span- 
iards who had fallen in the encounter. The governor did not regain conscious- 
ness, for the wound was very severe, and died next day. The fleet after that 
loss and failure left that place, and descended the river to Tampakan, ji^here it 
anchored among the friendly inhabitants and their settlements. 

The master-of-camp, Juan de la Xara, had himself chosen by the fleet as 
successor in the government and enterprise. He built a fort with arigues^ and 
palms near Tampakan, and founded a Spanish settlement to which he gave the 
name of Murcia. He began to make what arrangements he deemed best, in 
order to establish himself and run things independently of, and without acknowl- 
edging the governor of Manila, without whose intervention and assistance this 
enterprise could not be continued.^ 

Bwayan was 30 miles up the river and 25 miles above Magindanao or 
Kotabato where Bwisan, the Sultan of Magindanao, was strongly fortified. 
It is difficult to believe that Rodriguez could advance so far even with 
a small scouting party. A careful review of the Spanish reports referring 
to these early campaigns in Mindanao indicates that Bwayan has been 
erroneously used in place of Magindanao, the ancient capital of the 
sultanate of Magindanao. 

Bent on the conquest of Mindanao, Governor Tello prepared another 
expedition under Gen. Juan Ronquillo ^ and dispatched it by the way of 
Cebu. At Caldera, it was joined by the fleet of Mindanao and the whole 
force proceeded east in the direction of the Mindanao River, on the 6th 
of February, 1597. Captain Chaves arrived with his frigates at the 
river on the 8th of January. In a battle fought at Simway to capture 
Moro vessels going to seek aid from Ternate he had a leg cut oflE and 
received a shot in the helmet above the ear. Ronquillo arrived at the 
mouth of the river on February 21, and on the 17th of April he engaged 
a Moro fleet with 40 arquebusiers and defeated them, killing a number 
of their brave men and some Tematans without losing any of his men 
except 5 Bisayans. Leaving a guard of 34 men under Chaves at the fort 
of Tampakan he advanced up the river with a force of 230 sailors and 
gunners. The enemy retired behind some parapets as soon as the artil- 
lery opened upon them, and brought some artillery to bear on the flagship 
(one of the galleys), but could not retard the Spanish advance. 

"I answered their fire with so great readiness," said Ronquillo in his report, 
"that I forced them to withdraw their artillery. But, as if they were goblins, 
they remained here behind a bush or a tree, firing at us without being seen." 

• Argensola says that this native, named Ubal, had made a feast two days before, 
at which he had promised to kill the Spanish commander. (Rizal.) 

^ Posts set upright in the ground. 

^ SucesoB de Is Islas Filipinas, Dr. Antonio de Morga, Mexico, 1609 ; The Philippine 
Islands, XV, pp. 90-92. 

« See Appendixes I and II, Pacification of Mindanao. 


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Reinforced by the chief of the hill tribes, Lumakan, with 500 natives, Ronquillo 
resumed the fighting after the delay of a few days. "Finally," continued Ron- 
quillo, "I planted my battery of eight pieces somewhat over 100 paces from the 
fort. Although I battered the fort hotly, I could not effect a breach through 
which to make an assault. All the damage that I did them by day, they repaired 
by night. • • ♦ 

"I was very short of ammunition, for I had only 3,000 arquebus bullets left, 
and very few cannon balls-, and both would be spent in one day's fighting, during 
which, should we not gain the fort, we would be lost — and with no power to 
defend ourselves while withdrawing our artillery and camp. • • • 

"I reconnoitered the fort and its situation, for it is located at the entrance 
of a lagoon, thus having only water at the back, and swampy and marshy ground 
at the sides. It has a frontage of more than 1,000 paces, is furnished with 
very good transversals, and is well supplied with artillery and arquebuses. 
Moreover it has a ditch of water more than 4 brazas^ wide and 2 deep, and 
thus there was a space of dry ground of only 16 paces where it was possible 
to attack; and this space was bravely defended, and with the greatest force of 
the enemy. The inner parts were water, where they sailed in vessels, while we 
had no footing at all." 

"Again, I reflected that those who had awaited us so long, had waited with 
the determination to die in defense of the fort; and if they should see the 
contest ending imfavorably for them, no one would prevent their flight. Further, 
if they awaited the assault it would cost me the greater part of my remaining 
ammunition, and my best men; while, if the enemy fled, nothing would be ac- 
complished, but on the contrary a long, tedious, and costly war would be entered 
upon. Hence, with the opinion and advice of the captains, I negotiated for 
peace, and told them that I would admit them to friendship under the following 
conditions : 

"First, that first and foremost they must offer homage to his Majesty, and 
pay something as recognition" (a gold chain). Second, "that all the natives who 
had been taken from the Pintados Islands [Bisayan Islands] last year, must be 
restored." Third, "that they must break the peace and confederation made with 
the people of Ternate, and must not admit the latter into their country." Fourth, 
"that they must be friends with Danganlibor and Lumakan, • ♦ » and must 
not make war on their vassals." Fifth, "that all the chiefs must go to live in their 
old villages." * 

Ronquillo later reported the place indefensible and was authorized to 
retire to Caldera. 

Ronquillo must have advanced as far as the settlement of Kalangnan 
or possibly Magindanao (Kotabato), the capital of Sultan Bwisan. The 
report he rendered relative to the country, its people and chiefs, is very 
interesting and an excerpt of the same is herewith quoted because of its 
bearing on conditions throughout Moroland : 

The leading chiefs collect tribute from their vassals. ♦ » » These Indians 
are not like those in Luzon, but are accustomed to power and sovereignty. Some 
collect five or six thousand tributes. » ♦ ♦ 

Hitherto it has not been possible to tell your lordship anything certain of 
this country except that it will be of but little advantage to his Majesty, but 
a source of great expense. It has far fewer inhabitants than was reported, and 

* Fathoms. 

«The Philippine Islands, Blair and Robertson IX, pp. 283, 285-287. 


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all are very poor, so that their breakfast consists only in cleaning tlieir arms, 
and their work in using them, and not in cultivating the land, which is low and 
swampy in this river. There is no chief who can raise 20 taes of gold. Rice 
is very scarce; in the hills is found a small amount, which is used for food by 
the chiefs only. There are some swine, and a few fowls that are very cunning, 
and less fruit.^ 

These early expeditions of the Spaniards against the Moros undoubtedly 
aroused in the latter a great desire for vengeance. The forces the 
Spaniards sent to conquer Mindanao and Sulu were very small. Such 
forces would have been strong enough to reduce any island of the Bisa- 
yan group, or even Luzon, but against the Moros they proved insufficient 
and inadequate. They however succeeded in provoking bitter hostilities 
and marked the beginning of a long period of terror and bloodshed. 


In 1599 combined Moro fleets invaded and plundered the coasts of 
the Bisayan Islands, Cebu, Negros, and Panay. 

Captain Paches, who was in command of the fort of Caldera, attacked 
the northern coast of the Island of Sulu. After landing at some point, 
it was observed by the Sulus that his fuses were wet and that his guns 
could not fire well. They then rushed his position, killed him, and dis- 
persed his forces. 

The following year saw the return of a larger and still more dreadful ex- 
pedition. The people of Panay abandoned their towns and fled into the moun- 
tains under the belief that these terrible attacks had been inspired by the Span- 
iards. To check these pirates, Juan Gallinato, with a force of 200 Spaniards, 
was sent against Sulu, but like so many expeditions that followed his, he ac- 
complished nothing. • * ♦ "From this time until the present day" (about 
the year 1800), wrote Zufiiga, "these Moros have not ceased to infest our colonies; 
innumerable are the Indians they have captured, the towns they have looted, 
the rancherias they have destroyed, and the vessels they have taken. It seems 
as if God has preserved them for vengeance on the Spaniards that they have not 
been able to subject them in two hundred years, in spite of the expeditions 
sent against them, the armaments sent almost every year to pursue them. In 
a very little while we conquered all the islands of the Philippines, but the little 
Island of Sulu, a part of Mindanao, and the other islands nearby, we have not 
been able to subjugate to this day." * 

Gallinatos's expedition occurred in 1602.* After three months of 
protracted fighting at Jolo, he was unable to reduce the fortifications of 
the town and retired to Panay. 

In 1616 a large Sulu fleet destroyed Pantao in the Camarines and the 
shipyards of Cavite and exacted large sums for the ransom of Spanish 
prisoners. Moro fleets in 1625 sacked Katbalogan in Samar. 

1 Ibid., IX, pp. 289, 290. 

^ See Appendix III, Moro Raids of 1599 and 1600. 
» History of the Philippines, Barrows, pp. 153, 154. 
* See Appendix IV, Galllnato's expedition to Jolo. 


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In 1628 Governor Tavora sent an expedition to Sulu under Cristobol 
de Lugo. Cristobol disembarked half of his infantry, sacked the town 
of Jolo, set part of it on fire and sailed back to Cebu. 

In 1629 the Moros raided Samar and Leyte. In 1630 an armada 
composed of 70 vessels and having 350 Spanish and 2,000 native soldiers, 
under Lorenzo de Olaso Ochotegui, arrived at Jolo. Olaso misdirected 
liis forces and, advancing too near to the wall of the fort, was wounded in 
his side and fell. He was rescued by the officers who followed him, but 
the troops were demoralized and retired. The expedition, however, 
landed at various points on the coast and burned and pillaged small 

In the same year P. Gutierrez came to Mindanao on a mission to 
Corralat.^ On his return he met Tuan Baluka, wife of Eaja Bungsu, at 
Zamboanga. Baluka urged P. Gutierrez to delay his departure from 
Zamboanga and warned him of the danger of meeting the Sulu expedi- 
tion imder Datu Ache. He, however, continued on his way and was 
overtaken by Datu Ache's force, but on account of the message and flag 
he delivered to Ache from Tuan Baluka, he was allowed to proceed 

For sometime the Jesuits had been urging upon the Philippine Gov- 
ernment the occupation of the southern coast of Mindanao. This 
meant an advance into the enemy's camp and a bloody struggle for 
supremacy in the southern seas. The consequences of such a step were 
foreseen by the Government and very few governors would have dared 
undertake such a grave responsibility. In 1635, Governor Juan Cerezo 
de Salamanca was petitioned by the Jesuits to establish an advance post 
of the Spanish forces at Zamboanga for the protection of missionaries 
and the Christians who had to navigate in the southern seas. Salamanca 
granted their request and sent Capt. Juan de Chaves, who disembarked at 
Zamboanga on the 6th of April, 1635. The force under Captain Chaves 
consisted of 300 Spanish and 1,000 native soldiers. In June they began 
the construction of a stone fort on a plan designed by the Jesuit mis- 
sionary P. Melchor de Vera, who was an expert engineer. 

The advantages to be derived from the position of this garrison were 
demonstrated before the year was over. As a piratical fleet was return- 
ing from Cuyo, Mindoro, and the Kalamian Islands, the favorable op- 
portimity was watched for, and as the two divisions of the fleet separated, 
the Spanish forces pursued Corralat's pirates and dealt them a deadly 
blow in the neighborhood of Point Flechas, killing about 300 Moros and 
saving 120 Christian captives.^ 

1 See Appendix V, Olaso's expedition. 
^ The greatest Sultan of Mindanao, the son of Bwisan. 

«An account of this fight and the Moro expedition under Tagal is given In "The 
Philippine Islands," Blair and Robertson XXVII, pp. 215-226. 


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Gen. Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera relieved Salamanca before the 
end of the year 1635 and continued the same policy with additional vigor 
and great ability. He quickly resolved upon attacking the Moros in 
their own strongholds, and thought that by crushing their power at home 
he would be able to put an end to their piratical raids. 

He arrived at Zamboanga February 22, 1636, proceeded first to Min- 
danao, fought Corralat and destroyed some of his forts and sailed back 
to Manila.^ Corcuera returned to Zamboanga in December, 1637, and 
prepared for an expedition against Sulu. On January 1, 1638, he 
embarked for Sulu with 600 Spanish soldiers, 1,000 native troops, and 
many volunteers and adventurers. He had 80 vessels all told and 
arrived at Jolo on the 4th.^ 

Anticipating an invasion, Sultan Bungsu had strengthened his gar- 
risons and called for aid and reenforcements from Basilan, Tapul, and 
Tawi-tawi. On his arrival Corcuera found the town well fortified and 
the enemy strongly intrenched. The Moros were well disciplined and 
had a well organized guard. The forts occupied strategic points and 
were strongly defended ; the trenches were well laid, and the Moros shot 
well and fought fearlessly. 

Corcuera besieged the town with all his forces and attacked it repeat- 
edly and valiently using powerful artillery, but he could not reduce it. 
Several efforts to tunnel the walls or effect a breach in them by mines 
were frustrated by the vigilance and intrepidity of the Sulus. The siege 
lasted three months and a half, at the end of which time the Sulus 
evacuated the town and retired to the neighboring hills, where they 
intended to make the next stand. Corcuera, taking possession of the 
town, reconstructed its forts and established three posts, one on the 
hill, one at the river, and one on the sandbank in front of the town. 
The garrison he established there consisted of 200 Spanish soldiers and 
an equal number of Pampangans, under the command of Capt. Gin^s Eos 
and Caspar de Morales. In May Corcuera returned to Manila with all 
the triumph of a conqueror, leaving Gen. Pedro Almonte, the senior 
oflBcer next to himself in command of the expedition, as governor of 
Zamboanga and Temate and chief of the forces in the south. 

Soon after the establishment of the Jolo garrison, the Sulus under 
Datu Ache attacked the soldiers in the quarry and killed a few Spaniards 
and captured 40 Chinese and Negroes (galley slaves). This and other 
depredations committed by the Sulus froni time to time, some of which 

I See "Letter from Corcuera to Philip IV." (The Philippine Islands. XXVII, pp. 

^ See Appendix VI, Corcuera's campaign In Jolo. 


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were provoked by the ill behavior of the Spanish officers and troops, 
forced Almonte in June, 1639, to come over to Sulu and take the field 
a second time. With 3 captains and 1/300 Spanish and native soldiers, 
he marched over the island, attacked the Suliis in their homes, burned 
their houses and killed every man he could reach. It is said that he 
hung 500 heads on the trees, liberated 112 Christian captives, and cap- 
tured quantities of arms. Wlien he asked the Gimbalia Sulus (at one 
of the settlements of Parang) to submit to the sovereignty of Spain, 
they refused to recognize liis authority, challenged his forces, and fought 
him desperately. They wore helmets and armor and used spears and 
swords. On one occasion. Captain Cepeda engaged them in battle 
and returned with 300 captives, leaving on the field 400 dead, a fearful 
lesson to those who survived. Cepeda lost 7 Spaniards and 20 natives 
only, but he had a large number wounded. 

Not satisfied with the havoc he wrought on the Island of Sulu, and 
desiring to follow and catch the fugitive sultan, Almonte invaded the 
other large islands and followed the sultan and the datus all over the 
Archipelago. At Tawi-tawi, however, he met with a reverse, and the 
captain who led the expedition returned with considerable loss. 

Soon after Almonte's departure, the Sulus who had fled returned and 
lost no time or opportunity in harassing the garrison. Several piratical 
excursions invaded the' Bisayas and Camarines. Soon Dutch vessels, 
invited by Sulu emissaries sent to Java, appeared in the vicinity of Zam- 
boanga and Jolo and threatened the Spanish garrison and incited the 
Moros to resist the Spaniards and attack their forces. Anticipating 
trouble with the Dutch, and foreseeing the danger of maintaining a 
garrison at Jolo under the circumstances, the Spaniards planned to 
evacuate the town. Accordingly on the 14th of April, 1646, they left 
Jolo. Before withdrawing their troops, they managed to make a treaty 
with the Sulus, which took the form of an alliance both offensive and 
defensive. The purpose of the treaty was declared to be the maintenance 
of peace between both parties and mutual aid against foreign enemies. 
In case of assistance against a foreign nation, the expenses of the war 
were to be defrayed by the party requesting aid. The Spanish Govern- 
ment recognized the supreme authority of the Sultan of Sulu from 
Tawi-ta^vi to Tutup and Pagahak, reserving sovereignty rights for the 
King of Spain over Tapul, Siasi, Balangingi, and Pangutaran only. In 
return for the evacuation of Jolo, and as a sign of brotherhood, the 
Sultan of Sulu promised to send yearly to Zamboanga three boats, 8 
fathoms long, full of rice, and to allow the Jesuit priests to come to Jolo 
unmolested. Other provisions were inserted in the treaty for the ex- 
change and redemption of slaves, criminals, or others who happened to 
run away from Zamboanga to Sulu and vice versa. 

1 70 J 

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This treaty did not remain in force for any great length of time, for 
we hear again in 1647 that the Sulus invaded the Bisayas and harassed 
the vicinity of Zamboanga. 


Bungsu had a very long reign marked with reverses and misfortunes. 
He died before 1640, and was succeeded by Sultan Nasirud Din II and 
Sultan Salahud Din Karamat. The latter was known to the Spanish 
writers as Baktial, which was his Sulu name before the sultanate. During 
the reign of Karamat the Philippines were threatened by a Chinese inva- 
sion from the north and by war with Holland, and the government, under 
the circumstances, decided to abandon Zamboanga and the Moluccas. 
This purpose they carried out in 1663. In the days of Karamat the 
Sulus became \evy active and made many raids in various directions. The 
decline of Spain's political power and her inactivity in the century* that 
followed the evacuation of Zamboanga caused obscurity in the Spanish 
records of the history of Sulu and Mindanao. The events of this century 
are, with few exceptions, lacking in significance and interest.^ 

The sultans who followed Karamat are, in the order of their succession, 
Shahabud Din, Mustafa Shafi^ud Din, Badarud Din I, Nasarud Din, 
and Alimud Din I, better known as Amirul Mu'minin (Ferdinand I 
of Sulu). The first three were brothers, the sons of Karamat, while the 
last; two were the sons of Badamd Din. 

In 1718 Governor Bustamante reoccupied Zamboanga for the purpose 
of waging war against piracy. "The citadel (Fuerza del Pilar) was 
rebuilt on an elaborate plan under the direction of the engineer, Juan 
Sicarra. Besides the usual barracks, storehouses, and areenals, there 
were, within the walls, a church, a hospital, and quarters for the Pam- 
pangan soldiers. Sixty-one cannon were mounted upon the defenses.^^ 

In 1725, a Chinese named Ki Kuan was sent to Manila to arrange for 
peace and returned with two Spanish commissioners, who made a treaty 
with the sultan of Sulu providing for trade between Manila and Jolo, the 
return or ransom of captives, and the ceding to Spain of the Island of 
Basilan. Notwithstanding this treaty Moro raids continued either by 
toleration of the sultan and datus or at their instigation. 

In 1730 a brother of the sultan commanded an expedition of 31 vessels, 
which attacked the fort of Taytay and ravaged the coast of Palawan. 
Another expedition spent nearly a whole year cruising and destroying 
among the Bisayas. 

In retaliation a large Spanish fleet united at Zamboanga and, under 
Ignacio de Irebri and Manuel del Rosal, invaded the shores of Sulu and 

1 On Moro pirates and their raids in the seventeenth century, see The Philippine 
Islands, Blair and Robertson, XLI, pp. 277-824. 


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ravaged and burned some settlements. At Bwal they found the settle- 
ment well protected and extensively fortified, so they contented themselves 
with destroying some plantations and burning outlying houses. At Tapul 
considerable damage was inflicted. A force of 600 disembarked, dis- 
persed the Sulus, burned their settlements, destroyed many farms, the 
salt works, and many boats, and returned to Zamboanga. In 1732 similar 
raids were made and hostilities continued until 1737. 


One of the earliest events in the reign of Alimud Din I was his rati- 
fication of the treaty of 1737. The sultan was represented in Manila 
by Datu Mohammed Ismael and Datu Ja^far, who signed the document. 
The treaty was drawn in January, 1737, by Governor-General Fernando 
Vald6s y Tamon and contained five articles. 

The first article declared the determination of both parties to preserve 
permanent peace between the two states, all differences or grievances to 
be settled amicably, and hostilities between subjects or vassals to be 
strictly prohibited and punished; the second provided for alliance and 
mutual aid against any foreign foe. European nations were, however, 
excluded from the provisions of this article ; the third provided for free 
trade between the two states, restricted by the use of passports to be 
issued by superior authority; the fourth provided that each state should 
be held responsible for all infractions of the peace committed by its 
subjects and should be bound to punish the same and make proper amends 
to the proper party ; the fifth provided for tlie exchange of captives and 
return of all clmrch images and ornaments in the possession of the Sulus. 

To all appearances Alimud Din I was a man of peace and a reformer. 
He kept his part of the treaty faithfully and piracy was actually sup- 
pressed during the whole period in which he held the reins of government. 
He revised the Sulu code of laws and system of justice. He caused 
to be translated into Sulu parts of the Quran and several Arabic texts 
on law and religion. He strongly urged the people to observe faithfully 
their religion and the ordained five daily prayers. He even went so 
far as to prescribe punishment for failure to observe this rule. He 
wanted all pandita to learn Arabic and prepared Arabic-Sulu vocabularies 
as a preliminary step to making the Arabic the official language of 
the state. He coined money, organized a small army, and tried to 
establish a navy. His name is foremost in the memory of the Sulus, 
partly because of his able administration and partly on account of the 
fact that he is the grandfather of all the present principal datus of the 

In September, 1746, a special commission from Manila carried to 
Alimud Din a letter written by King Philip V in 1744, requesting the 
admission of Jesuit missionaries to Job with permission to preach the 


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Christian religion to the Sulus. The sultan entertained the commission 
very hospitably and gave in their honor a royal reception and a review 
of the troops. A council was held in which the sultan conferred with 
the leading datus of Sulu and granted the request of King Philip V. 
He further authorized the building of a church and recommended the 
erection of a fort at some convenient locality for the safe protection of 
the missionaries. In return for this favor he requested that the Spanish 
Government give him, as an aid in building a navy, the sum of ^6,000, 
12 picuh * of gunpowder, 12 piculs of nails, and 1 picul of steel. This, 
he represented, was needed to enable him to suppress piracy and to 
check the depredations of his enemies in Borneo. This request the 
Spanish Government granted, and Jesuit missionaries entered Jolo, 
translated the catechism into Sulu, and distributed it freely among the 

The liberties exercised by the Jesuits in their endeavor to proselyte 
the Sulus and the strong friendship the sultan manifested toward them 
created great dissatisfaction among the people, and an opposition party 
was formed, under the leadership of Prince Bantilan, for the purpose of 
expelling the missionaries and deposing Alimud Din. Bantilan was the 
son of Sultan Shahabud Din and had as much right to the sultanate of 
Sidu as any son of Sultan Badarud Din. After the death of the latter 
the sultanate should have reverted to the line of Shahabud Din; but it 
happens very often that the sons of the last sultan are either older than 
those of the former or meet with more favor and are, as a rule, supported 
by the majority of the council of datus; thus the regular order of 
descent changes in favor of the stronger person. Probably Bantilan was 
preceded by both Nasarud Din and Alimud Din for some such reason 
as the above. This he resented at heart, but suppressed his resentment 
until this favorable opportunity offered itself. He then headed the 
opposition to the sultan and the missionaries and won the majority of 
the datus and panditas to his side. Hostilities soon increased and civil 
war was imminent. In an effort to assassinate the sultan, Bantilan thrust 
a spear at Alimud Din and inflicted a severe wound in his side or thigh. 
During the disturbances and confusion which followed it became danger- 
ous for the missionaries to remain at Jolo. One of the ministers of 
the sultan provided them with a salisipan in which they escaped without 
harm and withdrew to Zamboanga. This occurred late in 1748. Over- 
powered, disheartened, and grieved, Alimud Din left Jolo with his family 
and numerous escort and came to Zamboanga, seeking the aid of Spain 
against Bantilan. The latter proclaimed himself sultan with the title 
of Mu^izzud Din,^ strengthened the defenses of his capital, and waged 

^A Spanish measure of weight used In the Philippine Islands, equivalent to about 
133 pounds. 

2 The defender of the Faith. 


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war on all the datus who had supported Alimud Din. His power soon 
became supreme, and he reigned with a strong hand. 

At Zamboanga Alimud Din is said to have given the officers many pres- 
ents and offered the Governor Zacharias 40 male Papuan slaves, who were 
well dressed. Zacharias, unreasonably prejudiced and distrustful, sus- 
pected some ill design and refused the present. Not receiving sufficient 
attention and consideration at Zamboanga, Alimud Din asked leave to 
go to Manila. This granted, he sailed and arrived at Cavite January 
2, 1749. At Manila "he was received with all the pomp and honor due 
to a prince of high rank. A house for his entertainment and his retinue 
of seventy persons was prepared in Binondo. A public entrance was 
arranged which took place some fifteen days after he reached the city. 
Triumphal arches were erected across the streets, which were lined with 
more than 2,000 native militia under arms. The sultan was publicly 
received in the hall of the Audiencia, where the governor promised to 
lay his case before the King of Spain. The sultan was showered with 
presents, which included chains of gold, fine garments, precious gems, 
and gold canes, while the Government sustained the expense of his 
household." * 

Following this reception, steps were taken for his conversion. His 
spiritual advisers cited to him the example of the Emperor Constantine 
whose conversion enabled him to effect triumphant conquests over his 
enemies. Under these representations Alimud Din expressed his desire 
for baptism. The governor-general, who at this time was a priest, the 
bishop of Nueva Segovia, was very anxious that the rite should take 
place; but this was opposed by his spiritual superior, the archbishop of 
Manila, who, with some others, entertained doubts as to the sincerity of 
the Sultan's profession. 

"In order to accomplish his baptism, the governor sent him to his own 
diocese, where at Paniki, on the 29th of April, 1750, the ceremony took 
place with great solemnity. On the return of the party to Manila, the 
sultan was received with great pomp, and in his honor were held games, 
theatrical representations, fireworks, and bull fights. This was the high- 
water mark of the sultan's popularity.^ 

At his baptism the sultan received the name of Ferdinand, and Span- 
ish authors often referred to him as "Don Fernando de Alimud Din I, 
Catholic Sultan of Jolo." It is further stated that two datus and five 
of his principal followers were baptized. The crown prince, Eaja Muda 
Mohammed Israel and his sister Fatimah attended school in Manila and 
learned Spanish manners and customs. 

A year and a half passed and no action was taken by the authorities 

1 History of the PhlUpplnes, Barrows, p. 227. 

■ Relaclfin de la entrada del Sultan Rey de Jol6. in Archive del Bibli6nio Filipino. 
Vol. I. 


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to restore Alimud Din. In the meantime Bantilan's fleets were busy 
ravaging and pillaging the Bisayas. In July, 1750, a new governor, the 
marquis of Obando (Francisco Jose de Obando) arrived in Manila. 
After some deliberation he resolved to reinstate Alimud Din and punish 
Bantilan and his pirates.^ Accordingly, on May 19, 1751, the sultan 
and his retinue were sent on board the Spanish frigate San Fernando 
and were convoyed by a squadron composed of seven war vessels under 
the command of Field Marshal Ramon de Abad. Falling in with bad 
weather off the sliore of Mindoro, the San Fernando was disabled and 
made for Kalapan. The squadron, however, continued its voyage un- 
interrupted to Jolo, arriving there on the 26th of June. After some 
desultory fighting, Abad arrived at an understanding with the Sulus 
and arranged for Datu Asin to come to Zamboanga with suflScient boatfi 
to escort the sultan back to Jolo. 

The sultan in the meantime stopped at Iloilo where he changed 
boats. Meeting with contrary winds he was carried off his course to 
Dapitan, and from there he set sail again for Zamboanga, which he 
reached on July 12. 

Before Ferdinand I left Manila, he had addressed a letter to the sultan of 
Mindanao, at the instance of the Spanish Governor-General. The original was 
written by Ferdinand I in Moro; a version in Spanish was dictated by him, 
and both were signed by him. These documents reached the governor of Zam- 
boanga, but he had the original in Moro retranslated and found that it did 
not at all agree with the sultan's Spanish rendering. The translation of the 
Moro text runs thus: 

"I shall be glad to know that the Sultan Mohammed Amirud Din and all 
his chiefs, male and female, are well. I do not write a lengthy letter, as I 
intended, because I simply wish to give you to understand, in case the sultan or 
his chiefs and others should feel aggrieved at my writing this letter in this man- 
ner, that I do so under pressure, being under foreign dominion, and I am compelled 
to obey whatever they tell me to do, and I have to say what they tell me to 
say. Thus the governor has ordered me to write to you in our style and 
language; therefore, do not understand that I am writing you on my own behalf, 
but because I am ordered to do so, and I have nothing more to add. Written 
in the year 1164 in the month Rabi*-ul Akir. Ferdinand I, King of Sulu, 
who seals with his own seal.'* 

This letter was pronounced treasonable. Impressed with, or feigning this idea. 
Governor Zacliarias saw real or imaginary indications of a design on the part of 
the sultan to throw off the foreign yoke at the first opportunity.* 

After the landing of Datu Asin and his followers at Zamboanga, the 
governor found out by his spies that they had many arms and quantities 
of ammunition in their boats which lay in the roadstead opposite the 
town and fort. Suspicious and distrustful from the beginning, Za- 
charias interpreted these facts as positive proof of an intention on the 

* See Appendix VII, Obando's report on the preparations to be undertaken to return 
Alimud Din to Sulu ; also Appendix VIII. Obando's report on the circumstances attending 
the attempt to return Alimud Din to Sulu. 

2 The Philippine Islands, Foreman, pp. 145, 146. 


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part of the sultan and Datu Asin treacherously to attack the town when 
an opportunity offered itself. He then at once confiscated part of the 
arms, ordered the boats to leave the port, imprisoned the sultan and Datu 
Asin and all their retinue, and communicated his suspicions and the action 
taken to Manila. Among the prisoners were the sons and daughters 
of the sultan, several datus and dignitaries and panditas, and many male 
and female followers and servants. In all 217 persons entered the 
prisons of the fort, most of whom were later transferred to Manila and 
confined in Fort Santiago. 

Zacharias's interpretation of the action of the sultan and Datu Asin 
was simply absurd and his behavior reflected considerable discredit on 
his ability as an officer and administrator. It was further most regret- 
table that his views were accepted as true by higher authority in Manila 
where no clemency or redress was extended to the unfortunate stiltan 
and datus. 

By a degree of the Governor-General, the following accusations were 
set forth against the sultan and Datu Asin, viz : 

1. That Prince Asin had not surrendered captives; 2. That whilst the sultan 
was in Manila, new captives were made by the party who expelled him from the 
throne; 3. That the number of arms brought to Zamboanga by Sulu chiefs 
was excessive; 4. That the letter to Sultan Mohammed Amirud Din insinuated 
help wanted against the Spaniards; 5. That several Mohammedan, but no Chris- 
tian books, were found in the sultan's baggage; 6. That during the journey 
to Zamboanga he had refused to pmy in Christian fonn; 7. That he had only 
attended mass twice; 8. That he had celebrated Mohammedan rites, sacrific- 
ing a goat, and had given evidence in a hundred ways of being a Mohammedan; 
9. That his conversation generally denoted a want of attachment to the Span- 
iards, and a contempt for their treatment of him in Manila,' and, 10. That he 
still cohabited with his concubines. 

The greatest stress was laid on the recovery of the captive Christians, and 
the governor added, that although the mission of the fleet was to restore the 
sultan to the throne (which, by the way, he does not appear to have attempted), 
the principal object was the rescue of Christian slaves. He therefore proposed 
that the liberty of the imprisoned nobles and chiefs should be bartered at the 
rate of 500 Christian slaves for each one of the chiefs and nobles, and the 
balance of the captives for Prince Asin and the clergy.i 

It is not therefore surprising to hear of the extraordinarily revengeful 
activity which the Sulus exhibited during the period of humiliation to 
which their sultan and nobles were subjected in Manila. 

Bantilan was a man of strong personality, a warrior, and a leader. The 
expeditions which he organized against his enemies were unusually strong 
and left havoc everyivhere. The towns he pillaged and the captives he 
carried away alarmed the Spanish Government to a high degree. A high 

« The sultan complained that he had not been treated in Manila with dignity equal 
to his rank and quality, and that he had constantly been under guard of soldiers In his 
residence (this was explained to be a guard of honor). 

iThe Philippine Islands, Foreman, p. 147. 


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council of war was convened in Manila in 1752, which declared for an 
unmerciful campaign and a war of extermination to be conducted with 
the utmost conceivable cruelty. Volunteers and Bisayan corsairs were 
called to aid the regular troops. Unlimited authority was granted them 
to annihilate the foe, bum his villages, destroy his crops, and desolate 
his lands. The corsairs were exempted from all taxes. They were 
allowed to keep or sell all female captives and all males under 12 and 
over 30 years of age. Old men and crippled persons were to be killed. 
Male captives between 12 and 30 years of age were to be turned in to 
the government; the captors to receive in compensation from ^4 to ^6 
per man. Nursing children were ordered to be baptized. At first the 
corsairs were required to ttirn in to the government one-fifth of all 
valuables looted, but this was soon afterwards revoked and all corsairs 
who equipped themselves retained all their booty. 

As part of the general campaign, Field Marshal Abad made another 
attack on Jolo with a force amounting to 1,900 men. The fleet can- 
nonaded the forts for seventy-two continuous hours. A division of the 
troops landed and engaged the Sulus, but after suffering considerable 
loss retreated disastrously. 

The raids of the Spaniards and Bisayans helped to increase the vigil- 
ance of the Sulus and excited them to extreme cruelty and an abnormal 
degree of revenge.^ 

The year 1763 is stated to have been the bloodiest in the history of Moro 
piracy. No part of the Bisayas escaped ravaging in this year, while the 
Camarines, Batangas, and Albay suffered equally with the rest. The conduct 
of the pirates was more than ordinarily cruel. Priests were slain, towns wholly 
destroyed, and thousands of captives carried south into Moro slavery. The 
condition of the Islands at the end of this year was probably the most deplorable 
in their history.* 

In the meantime Prince Asin died of grief in his prison. 

Early in 1753 Alimud Din petitioned the governor to allow Princess 
Fatimah to go to Jolo for the purpose of arranging a peace with Bantilan. 
This request was granted on condition that she deliver 50 slaves to the 
Spanish Government on her arrival sTt Jolo. This she complied with 
faithfully, adding one Spanish captive to the 50 Christian slaves wanted. 
Her mission was apparently successful and she returned to Manila with 
Datu Mohammed Ismael and Datu Maharaja-Layla, a commission sent 
by Bantilan. They brought a letter from Bantilan, which was trans- 
mitted to the governor by Alimud Din together with a draft of a treaty 
for the restoration of peace between Spain and Sulu. Bantilan expressed 
deep regret for Alimud. Din and the existing condition of hostility and 

^ On the occupation of Palawan and Balabak, see Appendixes IX and X. 
' History of the Philippines, Barrows, p. 228. 


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gave strong assurance of his desire for the return of the sultan and the 
reestablishment of peace with Spain. 

The governor acceded to the petition of the sultan and sent a letter 
to Bantilan with the commission, requesting that all hostilities stop for 
the period of one year pending the consideration and completion of the 
new treaty. In 1754 Governor Arandia assumed command and approved 
of the proposed treaty. To expedite matters he sent the commanding 
officer of the southern forces to find out what had been done by Bantilan 
toward the fulfilment of the conditions agreed upon. Bantilan met the 
commanding officer in a most friendly manner and discussed the questions 
frankly and ably. He explained in clear and impressive manner the 
principal causes of hostility and strongly blamed the governor of Zam- 
boanga for his unjust imprisonment of the sultan and Datu Asin and his 
unbearable treatment of the messengers and representatives of the Sulu 
authorities. He declared his wish and true desire for peace and delivered 
to the commanding officer 68 Christian captives and two Spanish sloops. 
The officer was strongly impressed with the integrity of Bantilan and 
with the honesty of his intentions, and gave to the governor a very 
favorable report of both Alimud Din and Bantilan. He assured him that 
the sultan was not a traitor at all, but a man of good intentions, who was 
simply unable to carry out some of his plans and promises because of the 
determined resistance of many of the principal datus. 

A general council was held in Manila early in 1755, in which it was 
resolved to set the sultan free and retuni him to Jolo if the Sulu 
authorities carried out the terms of the following conditions : 

1. That all captives within the sultanate of Sulu be delivered within 
one year. 

2. That all valuable property and ornaments looted from the churches 
be returned within one year. 

General Zacharias who had attended the council set out from Manila 
in September to take charge of the government of Mindanao. He brought 
back to Jolo 6 princes, 5 princesses, 20 women, and 130 men of the 
sultan's retinue. He had letters from Alimud Din and the Governor- 
General to Bantilan and was authorized to conduct the preliminaries 
of a peace treaty. Other ambassadors who accompanied Zacharias were 
empowered to ratify the same. The ships arrived at Jolo on October 
4, and the ambassadors were well received by Bantilan. The latter 
agreed to all the conditions imposed in as far as it was in his power to 
carry them out. But he stated that many captives were bought from 
Mindanao chiefs and were owned by datus on Basilan and other inacces- 
sible places, who were unwilling to give them up unless they were justly 
compensated. He added that many such datus were in alliance with 
datus in Mindanao and were planning to attack Zamboanga, and that 


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the time was very inopportune for him to force them to deliver all 

The terms were actually impossible of execution and the endeavor to 
make the treaty and ratify it proved fruitless. 

Alimud Din remained in prison until 1763, when the English, after 
their conquest and occupation of Manila, reinstated him on the throne 
of Sulu. During the period of his imprisonment he felt greatly humili- 
ated, but lived as a Christian and with one wife only. At the death 
of his wife, in 1755, he was allowed to marry a Sulu woman who had 
been his concubine, but who had professed Christianity and was living 
at the College of Santa Potenciana. 

The Sulus received their former sultan with a good heart and Alimud 
Din resumed his former authority as Sultan of Sulu. The people had 
evidently acquired strong sympathy for him and Bantilan had either 
undergone a change of heart or felt convinced that it was of no avail 
to go against such strong popular sentiment and fight the English forces. 
Withdrawing from Jolo he moved to Kuta Gubang near Parang, where, 
a few years later, he died. 

In return for the favors which he received from the English, Alimud 
Din ceded to them that j)art of North Borneo lying between Cape Inar- 
stang and the River Frimanis with the adjacent Island of Balambangan 
and the Island of Tulayan. Balambangan was soon after that occupied 
and garrisoned by English forces. 

In the later days of his reign, Alimud Din was addressed as Amirul 
Mu'minin (The Prince of the Faithful) by which name he is better 
known to the Sulus. Moro incursions increased at that time and the 
Sulus became so daring as to invade the Bay of Manila in 1769, carry 
away captives from the wharves of the city, and appear at the Plaza 
del Palacio at retreat before they were repulsed or even detected. Be- 
coming old and weak, Amirul Mu'minin abdicated the sultanate in favor 
of his son Israel, in November, 1773. 


Sultan Israel followed the same progressive policy which characterized 
his father's administration. However, his succession was contested by 
rivals, and the people were not unanimous in his support. In his foreign 
relations with the English and Spaniards he was at the beginning un- 
certain as to the side toward which to lean. Both powers had an eye 
on Sulu and appeared interested in its affairs. However, before long 
he refused the request of the English to be allowed to move their factory 
from Balambangan to Tandu-dayang, in the neighborhood of Jolo, and 
exchanged messages of friendship with King Carlos III, who congratu- 
lated Israel on his succession to the sultanate and thanked him for his 

71296 6 


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action relative to the removal of the Balambangan factory to Sulu 
Island.^ The early education Israel received in Manila, together with 
the consideration with which the Spanish authorities treated him at 
that time, helped to win his sympathies to the Spanish side and to form 
a sort of an alliance between Sulu and Spain against Great Britain. 
Such an alliance was further needed to strengthen his hand in Sulu, 
for the purpose of checking any insurrection that might be fomented by 
rival datus or unfriendly chiefs. The Spaniards promised to help him 
in his endeavors to organize an army and a navy; and, he on his part, 
agreed to open the ports of Sulu for free commerce with the Philippine 
Islands. He further asked the Spanish Government for capital to work 
his mines, promising to pay back one-fifth of the output. 

In 1774 and 1776, Jolo was visited by Captain Thomas Forrest, who 
in his "Voyage to New Guinea" described the town and country as he 
saw them. His account is so interesting and so clear that the following 
extracts ^ are quoted therefrom : 

They have a great variety of fine tropical fruits; the oranges are fully as 
good as those of China. They have also a variety of the fruit called jack, or 
nangka, durians, a kind of large custard apple named madang, mangos, mangus- 
tines » » ♦. The SuLus having great connection with China, and many 
Chineses being settled amongst them, they have learned the art of ingrafting and 
improving their fruits » • ♦. 

The capital town is called Bawang,* situated by the seacoast, on the northwest 
part of the island, and containing about 6,000 inhabitants. Many of them were 
Ilanun • * ». 

This island * • * is well cultivated, affording a fine prospect from the 
sea, on every side far superior to that of Malay countries in general » • ♦. 

Here are wild elephants, the offspring, doubtless, of those sent in former days, 
from the continent of India * as presents to the kings of Sulu. Those animals 
avoid meeting with homed cattle, though they are not shy of horses. After 
harvest the Sulus hunt the elephants and wild hog, endeavoring to destroy 
them * • *. Sulu has spotted deer, abundance of goats, and black cattle. 

Tlie pearl fishery • ♦ ♦ proves also to the Sulus the cause of their con- 
sequence amongst their neighbors, as being a nursery ior seamen, ready to man 
a fleet of praus upon an emergency ♦ * ♦. The praus [boats] of the 
Sulus are very neatly built, from 6 to 40 tons burden, sail well, and are all 
fitted with the tripod mast.* ♦ » • 

The arts are in greater forwardness here than at Mindanao. * * * In 
the common market is also a copper currency, a convenience much wanted at 
Mindanao, where, as has been said, the market currency is rice. 

The Sulus have in their families many Bisayan, some Spanish slaves, whom 
they purchase from the Ilanun and Magindanao cruisers. Sometimes they 
purchase whole cargoes, which they carry to Passir, on Borneo, where, if the 
females are handsome, they are bought up for the Batavia market. The masters 

1 See Appendix XI. 

* See Forrest's "A Voyage to New Guinea," pp. 320-335. 

' Another name for Jolo and the name of the stream which passes through it. 

* It is more likely that elephants were obtained from Borneo and Sumatra. 
■ Some were more than 90 feet in length. 




sometimes use their slaves cruelly, assuming the power of life and death over 
them. Many are put to death for trifling offenses, and their bodies left above 
the ground. An attempt of elopement is here seldom pardoned, or indeed at 
Magindanao. Yet, the distance being so small from either Sulu or Siangan,^ to 
the Spanish settlement, I have wondered how any stay, as they are not closely 

The Bisayan slaves play often on the violin, and the Sulus are fond of 
European music* I have seen the Sultan Israel, who was educated in Manila, 
and his niece, ♦ ♦ • dance a tolerable minuet. I have also seen the datus 
go down a country dance, but as they wore heavy slippers, they did it clumsily. 

The Sulus are not only neat in their clothes, but dress gaily. The men 
go generally in white waistcoats, buttoned down to the wrist; with white 
breeches, sometimes strait, sometimes wide. ♦ » » Both sexes are fond of 
gaming. ♦ » ♦ 

In the cool of the evening, I had the pleasure of seeing the Sultan's niece and 
another princess. They wore waistcoasts of fine muslin close fitted to their 
bodies; their necks to the upper part of the breasts being bare. From the waist 
downward they wore a loose robe, girt with an embroidered zone or belt about 
the middle, with a large clasp of gold, and a precious stone. This loose robe 
like a petticoat came over their drawers, and reached to the middle of the leg; 
the drawers of fine muslin reaching to the ankle. They rode across with very 
short stirrups, and wore their hair clubbed atop, Chinese fashion. They often 
put sweet oils on their hair which give it a gloss. The ladies sat their horses 
remarkably well; and this is an exercise women of fashion indulge all over 
the island. 

"The Island Sulu is far from being large; but its situation between Mindanao 
and Borneo makes it the mart of all the Moorish kingdoms. I do not find 
that the Portuguese ever pretended to settle, much less to conquer these islands; 
but they visited them frequently for the sake of trade; and in those days, 
there was greater commerce in these parts than can well be imagined. For, 
while the trade was open to Japan, there came from thence two or three ships 
laden with silver, amber, silks, chests, cabinets, and other curiosities made of 
sweet-scented woods, with vast quantities of silks, quilts, and earthenware, from 
China. For these the merchants of Golconda exchanged their diamonds, those 
of Ceylon their rubies, topazes, and sapphires; from Java and Sumatra came 
pepper, and spices from the Moluccas." (Harris* History of the Portuguese 
Empire, p. 685.) 

About fifteen datus » ♦ * make the greater part of the legislature. 
* * * They sit in council with the Sultan. The sultan has two votes in this 
assembly, and each datu has one. Tlie heir apparent, * * * if he side 
with the sultan, has two votes; but, if against him, only one. There are two 
representatives of the people, calleil mantiHsy like the military tribunes of the 
Romans. The common people of Sulu ♦ * » enjoy much real freedom, owing 
to the above representation. 

The state of Sulu is small, • • • containing scarce above 60,000 in- 
habitants; yet are these powerful, and have under them, not only most of the 
islands that compose that Archipelago, but a great part of Borneo, some of 
which they have granted to the English. They have the character of being 

* One of the settlements forming the town of Kotabato. 

^ This was an erroneous Impression. It no doubt seemed so to Captain Forrest who 
Judged from his observations of Sultan Israel who acquired a taste for European music 
In Manila. 


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treacherous, and of endeavoring always to supply by fraud wliat they can not 
effect by force. » ♦ » 

Only seven years have elapsed since the Sulttin of Kulan * * * on the 
northeast of Borneo, was at war with the Sultan of Burn, on the same coast. 
One of them applied to the Sulus for assistance. The datus Alimud Din and 
Nukila went; and watching their opportunity, attacked both the sultans, plun- 
dered them, and carried them with their wivec, children, and many of their 
headmen to Sulu. Tliey were sometime after sent back, on condition that they 
should become tributary, which they are at this day. 

The intentions of the East India Company in foitifying Balambangan 
were regarded with suspicion by the Spaniards, who employed every 
method possible to incite hostilities between the Sulus and the English. 
The English agents at Jolo won the sympathy of a party headed by the 
strong datus in chief command of the Sulu forces. The Spaniards had 
the sultan and his party on their side. This question of national policy 
was a matter of serious and important concern to the people. It stirred 
up the whole Sulu community, and party issues were ardently and 
publicly discussed. 

The jealousy which tiie English and Spaniards exhibited toward each 
other and the methods they used to secure alliance with S\du, had tlie 
effect of exciting the suspicion of the Sulus toward both nations. 
Besides that, the Spanish officials at Zamboanga showed exceedingly 
poor judgment, and their action aroused the indignation of all parties 
in Sulu, and led to the renewal of hostilities. 

In 1773 a majority of tlie leading datus favored an alliance witli 
England against Spain. In 1775 the English party weakened and the 
garrison of Balambangan was treacherously attacked and destroyed by 
Sulu agents and forces secretly sent there by Sultan Israel a*nd his 
council. The conduct of the Sulus in this incident depicts very clearly 
a marked trait of the Sulu character. A full description of this incident 
is given herewith in the words of Captain Forrest, who had an intimate 
knowledge of tlie conditions at Balambangan and the causes leading to 
the massacre. 

When John Herbert, esq. went to Balambangan early in the preceding year 
[17741, he found great want of buildings to accommodate the company's ser- 
vants, civil and military; those gentlemen wiio had just been saved from the 
shipwreck of the Royal Captain on the shoals of Palawan, as well as the crew 
of that ship. About this time, one Tating, a Sulu datu, and first cousin to 
Sultan Israel, came with many of his vassals to Balambangan, offered his service 
as a builder, was employed by Mr. Herbert, and, in the whole of his behavior, 
gave satisfaction. The datu, falling sick, went home to Sulu for the recovery 
of his health. This blessing soon obtained, he returned to the prosecution of his 
task at Balambangan. 

He now brought from the sultan and council letters recommending him as a 
trustworthy person, to erect whatever warehouses or buildings might be wanted. 


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With him came two other datus, Muluk and Niikila. But Datu Tating took 
care to show only part of his numerous followers, concealing the rest in the 
Island of Banguey, and even in some recesses of Balambangan, which, being 
covered with wood, as those islands generally are, there was no great fear of 

Surmises, however, had some days begun to spread reports of a plot, while 
Tating proceeded with such address, that the chief and council, who were not 
without their suspicions, apprehended no danger very nigh. 

During the night strict watch was kept all over the settlement. At dawn, 
the gun, as usual, announced the morning, and for a few moments tranquillity 
reigned. A house at some small distance suddenly fired proved the signal to the 
Sulus. They rushed into the fort, killed the sentries, and turned the guns 
against the Bugis guard. The few settlers, lately rendered fewer by death, 
were fain to make their escape in what vessels they could find.* 

The governor and five others escaped on board a vessel, leaving behind 
a great quantity of arms and wealth. The English factors who were at 
Jolo fled in a Chinese junk. In the same year Tating attempted a 
similar attack on Zamboanga, but failed. During 1776 and 1777 he 
and other Sulus harassed the Bisayas and ravaged the coast of (-ebu. 


Sultan Israel was poisoned in 1778 by his cousin Alimud Din II, 
the Fon of Bantilan. During the reign of Sultan -Alimud Din II, hos- 
tilities between Sulus and Spaniards increased, and for the period of ten 
years or more traffic between Luzon and the southern islands was para- 
lyzed. About 500 Spanish and native Christians were every year carried 
into captivity by the Moros. The government was greatly exercised 
over this grave situation, and in 1789 the Captain-General Mariquina 
reported to the King that "war with the Moros was an evil without 

In the latter part of 1789 Sharapud Din, the son of Alimud Din I, 
ascended the throne of Sulu. While a youth he was imprisoned with 
his father in Zamboanga and accompanied the latter to Manila. Very 
little is known of his reign except that he was animated by the same 
spirit and principles which characterized his father's reign and that of 
his brother Israel. He coined money, and one of his coins which was 
obtained from Jolo bears the date 1204 A. H., which was probably the 
date of his succession. Sultan Sharapud Din was followed by his sons 
Alimud Din III and Aliyud Din I. 

Tlie continued presence of the Moros in Mindoro, where they haunted the bays 
and rivers of both east and west coasts for months at a time, stealing out from 
this island for attack in every direction, was s|)ecially noted by Padre Zuuiga, 

1 A Voyage to New Guinea, Capt. Thomas Forrest, pp. 336-337. 

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and indicated how feebly the Spaniards repulsed these pirates a hundred years 

It was the last severe phase of Malay piracy, when even the strong merchant 
ships of England and America dreaded the Straits of Borneo and passed with 
caution through the China Sea. Northern Borneo, the Sulu Archipelago, and 
the southern coasts of Mindanao were the centers from which came these fierce 
sea wolves, whose cruel exploits have left their many traditions in the American 
and British merchant navies, just as they periodically appear in the chronicles 
of the Philippines. 

Five hundred captives annually seem to have been the spoils taken by these 
Moros in the Philippine Islands, and as far south as Batavia and Macassar cap- 
tive Filipinos were sold in the slave marts of the Malays. The aged and infirm 
were inhumanly bartered to the savage tribes of Borneo, who oflTered them up 
in their ceremonial sacrifices. The measures of the Spanish Government, though 
constant and expensive, were ineffective. Between 1778 and 1793 a million and 
a half of pesos were expended on the fleets and expeditions to drive back or 
punish the Moros, but at the end of the century a veritable climax of piracy 
was attained. 

Pirates swarmed continually about the coasts of Mindoro, Burias, and Mas- 
bate, and even frequented the esteros^ of Manila Bay. Some sort of peace seems 
to have been established with Jolo and a friendly commerce was engaged in 
toward the end of the century, but the ^loros of Mindanao and Borneo were 
increasing enemies. In 1798 a fleet of 26 Moro bancas passed up the Pacific 
coast of Luzon and fell upon the isolated towns of Baler, Kasiguran, and Pala- 
nan, destroying the pueblos and taking 450 captives. The cura of Kasiguran 
was ransomed in Binangonan for the sum of 2,500 pesos. For four years this 
pirate fleet had its rendezvous on Burias, whence it raided the adjacent coasts 
and Katanduan Island.* 

Governor Aguilar assumed command in 1793 and made every effort to 
remedy this condition of affairs. He divided the Archipelago into six 
divisions, each of which was provided with a fleet of six gunhoats. He 
repaired the forts of the Bisayas, Mindoro, Tayabas, Batangas, and 
Zamboanga. While preparing for defence, he negotiated with the Sulu 
and Mindanao Moros for peace and partially succeeded in establishing 
a condition of truce with Sulu. 

In 1798 he convened a council to consider further measures for the 
suppression of piracy. All records pertaining to Moro affairs were sub- 
mitted to Rufino Suarez, "Asesor del Gobierno," who was directed to 
report on this subject. The report was rendered in April, 1800, and 
contained full information and recommendations as to the best measures 
and methods that the government could undertake for that purpose. 
Aguilar, however, did not act on the recommendations of Suarez, but 
continued his negotiations with the Moros who l)ecame peaceful and 

1 Name given to the network of channels by which the waters of the Pastg River 
find their way to the sea. 

* History of the Philippines, Barrows, pp. 246-248. 


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remained so until 1803. Tn this year the English attacked Zamboanga 
unsuccessfully, instigated hostility between Sulu and Spain, and re- 
occupied the Island of Balambangan, which they held for three years 

In 1805 a treaty was made between Sulu and Spain whereby it was 
agreed that no foreign resident would be permitted in Sulu without the 
consent of the Spanish Government, and that in case of war between 
Spain and any foreign country, the Sultanas ports would be closed against 
Spain's enemies. Between 1805 and 1815 detaileil accounts of piratical 
raids are infrequent. 

Sultan Ali}nd Din died in 1808 and was succeeded by his pious 
brother Shakirul Lah. It is related that Shakirul Ijali slept on boards 
and covered himself with sarongs only. He used to leave his home at 
night, search for the poor and needy and feed them. 

In 1815, the raiders took 1,000 native prisoners and captured several 
Spanish, British, and Dutch vessels. In October, 1818, a Spanish fleet 
under Pedro Esteban encountered 25 Moro vessels in the vicinity of 
Albay, seized nine of them and sank the rest. 

Sultan Shakirul Lah was succeeded in 1823 by Sultan Jamalul Kiram 
I, the son of Alimud Din III. In the same year. Governor Antonio 
Martinez, impressed by the superior policy and success of Corcuera, 
organized an expedition under Alonso Morgado and attacked the pirates 
in their home lairs, at Basilan, Pilas, Sulu, and Mindanao. The 
Spanish fleet consisted of 2 schooners, 4 gunboats, 6 tenders, 2 junks, 
and 1 transport schooner. The expedition reached Pilas in March, 1825, 
took the fort by assault and killed 50 Moros. At Jolo it cannonaded 
the town for ten hours and then left for Mindanao, where it inflicted 
considerable damage. It destroyed Moro boats at lUana Bay, PoUok, 
and Dumankilis Bay. 

General Ricafort sent another expedition, in 1827, to Jolo, consisting 
of 20 vessels and 500 troops; but Jolo was so well fortified and the 
Moro forces so numerous that the Spanish soldiers could not disembark, 
and the expedition returned without accomplishing any results. 

The seal of Sultan Jamalul Kiram I bears the date 1239 A. H., or 
about 1823 A. D., which in all probability indicates the year of his succes- 
sion. He issued regular appointment forms for his subordinate officers of 
state and dated his communications, using the current Malay and Moham- 
medan dates combined. In the estimation of the Sulus he was a strong 
and very prosperous sultan. 

On the 23d of September, 1836 A. D. or 1252 A. H., he signed a 
commercial treaty with Capt. Jose M. Halcon as the representative of 


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Captain-General Salazar.^ The principal part of the treaty was an 
agreement regulating boat licenses and the duties to be paid by Sulu 
boats in Manila and Zamboanga and by Spanish vessels in Jolo. In 
another document bearing the same date and signed by the same parties, 
an alliance was declared guaranteeing general peace and safety to Sulu 
boats in Philippine waters and to Spanish and Filipino craft in the 
Sulu Sea. The sultan further consented to have a Spanish trading 
house -constructed at Jolo for the safe storage of merchandise under the 
charge of a Spanish resident agent. 



Articles of agreement arranging the duties to be paid by Sulu craft in 
Manila and Zamboanga, and by Spanish craft in Jolo, which schedule can not 
be changed except by a new agreement. 

Abticle 1. Sulu craft which, with proper license, go to Manila, may import 
products of the Islands subject to the Sultan, by paying a comsumption duty of 

Article 2. Wax and cacao may be deposited in the Manila Custom-House by 
paying 1%; but if these articles are imported the established 14% will be paid. 

Article 3. Sulu craft that trade in Zamboanga will pay a duty of 1% on 
products of the islands subject to tbe Sultan. 

Article 4. All these duties will be paid in silver to the Protecting Spanish 
Government on the basis of one-half the appraised value. 

Article 5. Spanish craft in Jolo will pay the following duties in kind: 


Ships of three masts from Manila, with Chinese passengers .... 2,000 

The same, without passengers 1,800 

Brigantine from Manila, with Chinese passengers 1,500 

The same, without passengers 1,300 

Schooner from Manila, with Chinese passengers 1,400 

The same, without passengers 1,200 

Poniin (small trading boat) from Manila, with Chinese pas- 
sengers 1,400 

The same, without passengers 1,200 

(Jalley from Manila or other ports of the Philippines, with 

cargo of rice (palay), sugar and mguranes' 300 

The same for the Philippine Islands with cargo of merchandise 500 

Article 0. These duties fixed for Spanish craft will be paid in kind in accord- 
ance with the values laid down in the following schedule, one-half of which will 
be selected by the Sultan's government otHcials from the cargo and the other 
half shall consist of such articles as the captain of the boat may select, valua- 

i See Appendixes XII, XIII, XIV. and XV. 

2 A variety of palm from which mats and sails are made. 

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tion to be in accordance with the schedule. Articles not in the schedule can 
not be exacted from the captain, nor will he give such payment: 



Coconut oil 

Chapas (plates)... 

Cambayas ordinarias (cloth) 

Cdrancali (cloth) 

Coco, black and blue, (cloth) 

Coquilio bianco, (cloth), 6 brazwt (12 yards).. 

Coco bianco, (cloth), 22 brazas (44 yards) 

JavcU de carandan (cloth) 

CtacAa (cloth )..^ 

Manta coUta (shirting) .— 

Plain muslin, 12«ira« 

Fancy muslin _ 

Colored muslin, Vlvaras 

Unhusked rice 

Pailosde Conta (cloth).. 

Ordinary cambric kerchiefs 

Ordinary stamped kerchiefs 


(Common woolens _ 

Printed cotton with flowers... 

One laga^.. 
One piion.. 

One tinaja 

Per thousand 
Per thousand 

Per piece 

11 yards 

1 piece 

1 piece 

1 piece 

1 piece 

1 piece 

1 piece 

1 piece 

1 piece 

One laga 

1 piece 

1 kerchief ___ 
Per dozen ._. 

1 piece 

1 piece _ 

1 piece 








Article 7. Sulu ships found trading in ports without a license or passing con- 
traband will be treated as smugglers in accordance with the Spanish laws laid 
down for such. Spanish schooners and small trading craft {galetas) that show 
by manifest in Jolo that they carry a cargo of Philippine produce, and arc 
afterward discovered to have, in place thereof, a cargo of merchandise [g^eros), 
and to have discharged such cargo in the port to be sold therein, will be fined 
500 pesos as per values in Jolo, two-thirds of said sum to go to the Sultan, 
and one-third to the Royal Treasury of the Protecting Spanish Government. 

Article 8. Should the import duties on any articles of commerce produced in 
the Sulu Islands be reduced in Manila or Zamboanga to a lower rate than that 
now established, the Spanish Government will also make a reduction so that 
Sulu ships may always pay less, as has been agi'eed. 

Should the Sultan of Sulu collect smaller duties from any foreign .ship than 
those established for Spaniards, either as a tax or by a reduction of the valuation 
of the dutiable articles, he will be obliged to make such a reduction in duties 
for Spanish craft as will give the advantage to the flag of His Catholic Majesty 
as stipulated. 

Last Article. Should the text of these articles of agreement diflfer in the 
two languages, the Spanish text will be literally adhered to. 

Palace of Jolo, Septeml>er 23, 1830, which is the 14th of the moon Jamadul 
Akir, 1252. — Jos^ M. Halcon, — Rubric. — Sultan Mohammed Jamalul Kiram, — 
Datu Mohamme<l Ilarun, — T)atu Mohamnie<l Ruyuk, — Datu Randahala, — Datu 
Muluk, — Datu Sabalmar, — Datu Mamancha, — Datu Julian, — Datu Maharaja- 
I^yla,^ — Datu Sabuwayan,— Datu Muluk Kahar, — Datu Nay. 

I, Don Jos<s Marfa Halcon y Mendoza, Frigate Captain of the Royal Navy, 


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etc., Special Commissioner appointed by the Captain General of the Philippines 
to establish these articles of agreement (capitulaciones) , 

Certify that when I received from the hands of the Sultan of Sulu the copy 
herewith, in the act of the exchange, by which I handed him the duplicate with 
the ratification of the Governor General, I remarked at the end of the present 
a writing in Malay, on the page following that of the seals and signatures which 
is the reverse of folio six, on which it can be seen. 

I also certify that having examined the contents of said improper addition 
which, although unauthorized, appears in writing in the present document, it 
was found to be the text of the circular of the Sultan to his people, in four 
articles, whose translation, made by the Datu Muluk-Bandarasa, and verified 
separately by several persons, rea^ls as follows: 

Article 1. The people of Sulu who wish to go to Zamboanga or Mindanao shall 
ask the Sultan of Sulu for a passport so that they may sufl'er no harm if they 
meet ships belonging to the Navy. 

Article 2. Passports shall be issued stating the number of people on board 
and the cargo when requested. 

Arricle 3. I give this order for the safety of those who travel by sea, as 
instead of being pursued by the ships of the Nav}', they slmll be helped. 

Article 4. I give you the present patent so that when you meet the ships of 
the Navy of the King of Spain, my brother, they may not harm, but help you. 

And in proof thereof, I make out the present certificate, written of my hand 
and attached to the Articles of Agreement, of which it is impossible to make a 
nevfc copy, on account of the absence of some of the Datus who were present when 
they were agreed to, and approved them. 

Given on board her Majesty's schooner "Tirol" in the roadstead of Jolo on 
the 29th of March 1837. 

Josfi Ma. Halcon, 

(His flourish). 


Isabel II, Queen of Spain, by the Grace of God and the Constitution of the 
Spanish Monarchy, and in her Royal name and during her minority, the Queen 
Dowager her jnother, Doiia Marfa Cristina of Bourbon, Regent of the Kingdom : 

Whereas on the twenty-third of September of last year, at the palace of Jolo, 
a treaty of peace, protection and commerce having been drawn up, concluded 
and signed by the frigate-captain of the national fleet, Don Jos4 Marfa Halcon, 
commander in chief of the naval forces anchored in the roadstead of Jolo, re- 
presenting the Captain General of the Philippine Islands, and the Sultan 
Jamalul Kiram and Datus; which said treaty, composed of six articles, word 
by word, is as follows: 

Capitulations of Peace, Protection and Commerce, executed to the most Ex- 
cellent Sultan and Datus of Sulu, by his high Excellency the Captain-General, 
Governor of tlie Philippine Islands, in the name of the high and powerful 
Sovereignty of her Catholic Majesty, being drawn up and agreed to by both 
parties, to-wit: representing the Spanish Government as plenipotentiary of his 
high Excellency the Captain General, Don Pedro Antonio Salazar, Governor of 
the Philippines, the frigate-captain of the royal fleet, Don Jos^ Marfa Halcon, 
commander in chief of the naval forces anchored in the roadstead of Jolo; and 
upon the other part, the Sultan Jamalul Kiram, Raja of Sulu and Datus who 
subscribe, which parties enacted as follows: 


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TREATY OF 1830 197 

Article 1 

His high Excellency the Captain-General, Governor, for her Catholic Majest}', 
of the Philippine Islands, assures the most excellent Sultan and Datus of Sulu, 
for the present and forever, of the most stable peace between the Spaniards and 
natives of all the islands subject to the Crown of Spain and the tributaries of 
the lands governed by the Sultan and Datus. He offers the protection of his 
Government and the aid of fleets and soldiers for the wars which the Sultan 
shall find necessary to wage against enemies who shall attack him, or in order 
to accomplish the subjection of the peoples who rel)el in all the confines of the 
islands which are found within Spanish jurisdiction, and which extend from 
the western point of Mindanao as far as Borneo and Palawan, except Sandakan 
and the other lands tributary to the Sultan on the coast of Borneo. 

The Sultan of Sulu, upon his part, accepting the friendsliip of the Spanish 
Government, binds himself to keep peace with all the vassals of her Catholic 
Majesty, and further binds himself to consider as his enemies those who here- 
after may be such to the Spanish nation, the Sulus proceeding with armed men 
to the wars which may arise, in the same manner as if they were Spaniards; in 
case of his furnishing such aid, the provisions for the support of the Sulus 
shall be supplied by the Royal exchequer of her Catholic Majesty, as they are 
for the other soldiers and people of her army and navy. 

The sense of the second clause of the ('apitulations of one thousand seven 
hundred and thirty-seven, that they are not bound to furnish assistance for 
wars against European nations, is hereby renewed and afliirmed. 

Article 2 

In accordance with the friendship and protection which unite Sulu with the 
Spanish provinces of the Philippines, the Sulu boats shall navigate and trade 
freely with the open ports of Manila and Zamboanga, and the Spanish vessels 
with Jolo, where not only will both be well received, but shall find protection 
and the same treatment as the natives. 

In a separate Capitulation are determined the duties which the Spanish 
vessels shall pay in Jolo, and those which the Sulus shall pay in Manila and 
Zamboanga; but by these Capitulations it is agreed that whenever the Sulus 
convey cargoes of products of the islands, they shall pay in Manila and Zam- 
boanga less than foreign vessels, and the Spanish vessels shall not pay in Jolo as 
much as is charged the ships of other nations. 

Article 3 

In order that the traffic of Spanish vessels in Jolo shall not suffer the injuries 
and delays occasioned by the difficulties of their market, the Sultan and Datus 
consent to the construction of a factory or trading house, with safe warehouses, 
where merchandise may be stored without risk: and the Sultan and Datus agree 
always to respect this place, in which there will be a resident Spanish agent, 
who shall assume charge of all the business entrusted to lilim. If the Sulus 
should desire to do likewise in Manila, they shall be permitted; but the Spanish 
Government receives for storage merchandise from the Custom-house of that 
city upon payment of fees of but one per centum. 

The Sultan shall designate the proper place for the location of the warehouses, 
which shall be convenient for loading and unloading and the Government shall 
request the Sultan to furnish, and shall pay for, the materials and workmen 
that may be necessary. 


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Article 4 

In order that the Spanish and Sulu vessels may navigate and trade with 
safety, free from the piracies of the Ilanuns and Samals the Spanish Government 
will strengthen its fleets in Mindanao waters, which same will protect equally 
those of both nations; and in order that good may not be confused with evil 
persons, the following rules shall be observed: 

1st. All Spanish vessels arriving at Jolo shall show to the Sultan their 
permit upon anchoring, and the same shall be sealed upon sailing; without 
which the captain shall be punished at Manila. 

2d. All Sulu vessels which proceed to Manila or Zamboanga, shall carry 
the permit of the Sultan, and in possession of the same shall be free and 

3d. All Spanish or Sulu vessels which shall proceed for trading to Mindanao, 
shall go first to Zamboanga to notify the Governor, who shall sign their permit 
without cost. 

4th. Everj' Spanish or Sulu vessel which shall be found by the fleets of 
Illana or Sindangan bays, without permit of the Governor and Sultan as aforesaid, 
shall be seized and shall lose all her merchandise, of which two-thirds shall be 
awarded to those making the capture and one-third to the Sultan of Sulu, if 
the vessel is Sulu, and to the Spanish Government if the vessel is Spanish. 

5th. The Governor of Zambojxnga shall determine the procedure in the case 
of vintas [small sail boats] of the towns of Pilas and Basilan Islands friendly 
to said Plaza [Zamboanga]. 

0th. Sulu merchant vessels proceeding outside the islands of the Sultan or 
to Mindanao with a permit, should not flee from the fleets which they encounter, 
because the latter are intended to defend them and run down evil-doers. Com- 
manders of the fleets shall be ordered to receive and aid the advice-boats of the 

Article 5 

The Sultan and Datus of Sulu pledge themselves to prevent the piracies of the 
Ilanuns and Samals in the Philippines, and if they are unable, the Sultan 
shall so report in order that tlie Spanish Government may aff'ord assistance or 
undertake the task alone. 

liAST Article 

If the sense of these Capitulations is not conformable in both languages, the 
same shall agree with the literal Spanish text. 

Palace of Jolo, September 23, 183(5, which is the fourteenth of the moon 
Jamadul Akir of one thousand two hundred and fifty-two. The seals. — Sultan 
Mohammed Jamalul Kiram. — Seal — signed. — Jos6 Marfa Halcon. — Datu Moham- 
metl Harun. — Seal. — Datu Mohammed Buyuk. — Seal — Datu Bandahala. — Seal — 
Datu Amilbahar. — ^Datu Muluk. — Datu Sabalmar. — Datu Mamancha. — Datu 
Juhan. — Datu Maharajah-Lay la. — Datu Sabuwayan. — Datu Muluk Kahar. — Datu 

Therefore, the Government of our August Daughter, having been duly author- 
ized by the decree of the C>ortes of the thirteenth of the present month, for the 
ratification of the inclosed treaty, and the same having been seen and examined 
by Us, we have approved and ratified and by these presents do hereby approve 
and ratify the cont<*nts thereof as a whole, in the best and most complete form 
possible, promising on the faith and the word of Queen Regent, in the name of 
our August Daughter, to comply with and observe the same, and compel wholly 


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tlie compliauce with and observance of the same. In witness whereof, we 
command the disposition of the same, signed with our hand, and scaled with our 
own private seal by the First Secretary of State. Done at Madrid, this October 
twenty-ninth, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven. 

I the Queen Regent. 
[A shield in wax.] 



In 1842 tlie Spanish Government built the stone fort at Isabela cle 
Basilan. The Balangingi and Basilan Moros appear about this time 
to have become a menace to the peace and to tlie commerce of nations. 
To punish Datu Usak of Malusu for depredations committed against 
Frencli vessels, Basilan was blockaded by a French fleet in 1843. As- 
piring for Chinese trade and for the possession of a port in the neighbor- 
ing seas the French in 1844 concludetl a treaty with the Sultan of Sulu for 
the cessi(m of the Island of Basilan for a considerable sum of money. 
The terms of this treaty do not appear to have been carried out, but 
this act and the freijuent appearance of English, I)ut(*h, and French 
vessels in Sulu waters aroused tbe Spaniards to active measures for the 
subjugation of the Sulu Archi[)elago. 

This year Jamalul Kiram I died, and his son Mohammed Pulalun 
succeeded to the sultanate. The "Luntar" or "Sulu Annals" begin 
January, 1844, and appear to have been started by Sultan Pulalun. 

In 1845 a frigates attackcnl the Island of Balangingi, but it was repulsed 
and gained no advantage except that of ascertaining the strength of 
the enemy. The shores of Basilan and the principal islands lying 
between it and the Island of Sulu had numerous forts, the strongest of 
which were on the island of Balangingi, the chief stronghold and head- 
quarters of the Samal pirates. Eealizing the seriousness of the situation 
Governor Claveria took the matter in hand and with energy and enthu- 
siasm made every effort to strengthen the fleet and increase its efficiency. 

In 1848 he secured three steam war vessels called Elcano, Magallanes, 
and Rcina de Costilla, which were built by the English and were the 
first steam gunboats the Philippine Government ever employed. Steam 
was certainly destined to mark a new epoch, one which saw the beginning 
of the end of Moro piracy. 

With two additional pilot boats and three transport brigs the expe- 
dition, headed by Governor Claveria in pei-son, left Manila in January 
and, coming by the way of Dapitan, reunited at Caldera Bay, where it 
received additional troops from Zamboanga. 

The Island of Balangingi is scarcely 6 square miles in area, low, 
flat, surrounded by shoals, and covered to a great extent by mangrove 
swamps. Most of its settlements had their houses built over the water 
anl little dry land could be seen in the vicinity. Part of this land was 


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covered with coconut trees. A labyrinth of small, narrow channels led 
to the various settlements and divided the island into four distinct parts. 
Four strong forts were built by the Moros at points difficult of acctes 
and surrounded by swamps. These forts were constructed of thick 
trunks of trees driven into the soil as piles and set close to each other 
and in 3 rows of varying heights, to afford suitable positions for the 
artillery, part of which was set in covered inclos.ures commanding the 
channel leading to the fort. The walls of these forts were 20 feet high 
and could not be scaled without ladders. The immediate vicinity of the 
fort was set with sharpened bamboo sticks and pits to hinder and trap 
the attacking forces. The fort of Sipak, the strongest of the four, was 
provided with redoubts and towers and showed considerable skill in its 

The Spanish troops consisted of three regular companies of infantry, 
two of volunteers, and detachments of artillery, pikemen, engineers, and 
laborers. They experienced some diflBculty in landing and attacked the 
most accessible fort first. The fighting was heroic and desperate on both 
sides. The Mora**, it is said, fought like fiends; but they were com- 
pletely overpowered in the end. In the fort of Sipak many women and 
children were gathered and considerable property was stored. The Moros 
had hoped to save all within its impregnable walls. When these walls 
were entered, some of the defenders in their desperation thrust their 
spears and krises into their wives and children, killed them first, and 
then dashed themselves against sure death at the point of Spanish 
bayonets. The Moros consider such action most valorous and honorable 
and do it in order not to allow their wives and children to fall into slavery 
or be killed by the hand of the enemy. 

In the fight at the first fort 100 Moros perished and 14 pieces of 
artillery were captured. The Spaniards lost 7 dead and 50 wounded. 
After the reduction of the second fort at Sipak 340 Moros were biirned 
in one pile and 150, mostly women and children, were taken as prisoners; 
others, who sought refuge in the swamps or tried to swim away, were 
killed by the fire of the fleet and their bodies were washed ashore by 
the waves. The Spanish losses in this engagement amounted to 17 dead, 
4 officers and 13 men, and 155 wounded. Three hundred slave captives 
were rescued and 6G pieces of artillery were captured. Quantities of 
ammunition, silks, silver and gold vessels, bracelets and other ornaments, 
jewels, utensils and arms of all sorts, and books of prayer were found 
inside the fort. 

The troops investing the third fortification at Sungap found the fort 
evacuated, but the first Spaniard who scaled the wall fell dead from a 
kampiJan blow at the hand of the only Moro who refused to run away 
and remained at his post to meet what he considered an honorable death. 
Thirteen cannons of small caliber were found in this fort. The Moros 


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who had fled to the fourth fort at Bukutingal did not make any de- 
termined stand, but soon fled leaving several cannons behind. The 
Spaniards desolated the island, burned its forts and settlements, and 
cut down more than 8,000 coconut trees. 

The conquest of the Balangingi Samals was complete and the ex- 
pedition returned to Manila in triumph. Here great rejoicings, parades, 
and festivities were held in honor of the event. Governor Claveria was 
decorated and promoted by the Queen and many of the officers and men 
were variously rewarded. 

The Balangingi Samals rivaled the Sulus in power, bravery, and wealth, 
but the signal victory of Claveria crushed them so completely that they 
have never since had any considerable force. The Samals who were 
carried away were transplanted to the Province of Kagayan in northern 
Luzon, where they remained until a late date. 


In December, 1848, Jolo was visited by Capt. Henry Keppel, in com- 
mand of the Maeander, and his description of the town contained in the 
following extracts taken from his '* Visit to the Indian Archipelago" 
will be of unusual interest:^ 

The town is built partly on land and partly on the sea. That part which is 
on the land, and which might almost be called the citadel, was at the time of 
our visit, strongly stockaded and flanked with batteries mounting heavy guns 
* * *. That portion of the to^vn which is not within the stockades is built 
in regular Malay fashion, on piles. The houses run in rows, or streets; and 
outside of them is a platform about 6 feet wide to walk upon. This is supported 
underneath by a light scaffolding of bamboo. These rows of birdcage-looking 
buildings extend into the sea for half a mile over a shoal which is nearly dry 
at low water. The population is numerous, composed principally of fishermen 
and Chinese traders. The said platform runs the whole length of the rows: 
and its planks were so carelessly thrown across that it seemed wonderful how 
the children could escape, if they always did escape, falling through the yawning 
spaces which invited them to a watery, or a muddy grave; they were crawling 
about these rickety stages in vast numbers; if the tide was out when they fell, 
they would be received into 3 feet deep of soft mud, supposing always that they 
did not break their little backs across the gunwales of the canoes beneath, which 
were made fast to the scaffolding. « « ♦ 

What we saw of the country [in the neighborhood of Jolol was highly 
cultivated, consisting, with intervals of jungle, of pasture grounds and gardens, 
very flourishing and pretty, with abundance of cattle. ♦ ♦ • 

The day after we had commenced [watering] was a market day. The 
mountaineers came down in parties of from six to twelve, mounted on well- 
formed little horses, or oxen, according to their rank and means; on these they 
sat with graceful ease, spear in hand — they were all well armed besides, with 
shield and kris; in some instances also we observed the heavy two-handed 
Ilanun sword [kampilan]. They had a wild and independent bearing; and. 

I Edition of 1853, pp. 57-69. 

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when seen in groups, some standing, some squatting, the women all chattering, 
under the wide spreading tree, they much increased the interest of the already 
picturesque scene. They seemed indifferent as to the sale of their stock, which 
was conducted chiefly by the women, who freely accompanied them, and were 
by no means ill favored. The townspeople, who met and traded with these 
mountaineers, were dressed in gayer colors, but not so well armed. » ♦ ♦ 
Though the market on this occasion was well attended, the trade was slack; 
but I doubt not that, in the palmy days of active piracy, a considerable amoimt 
of business was transacted under this old banyan tree. « * ♦ 

December 30 .was the day appointed for Sir James Brooke's interview with 
the Sultan of Sulu. We landed in full costume at 10 o'clock. Having walked 
over the sea suburbs, and arrived at the beach, we found a guard of honor 
and attendants waiting to conduct Sir James to the Sultan's presence; they 
were a motley group, but made themselves aseful in clearing the way. 

Passing witliin the outer stockade, we arrived, after a few minute's walk, at 
the royal residence. It was walled in and fortified: a large space was inclosed 
by double rows of heavy piles driven into the earth, about 5 feet apart, and the 
space was filled up with large stones and earth, making a very solid wall of 
about 15 feet in height, having embrasures, or rather portholes, in convenient 
places for cannon, out of which we noticed the rusty muzzles of some very heavy 
guns protruding. A great part of the town was stockaded in a similar way; 
and the country houses of the datus and mountain chiefs of any importance were 
also walled in and had guns mounted. 

Passing through a massive gateway, pretty well flanked with guns and loop- 
holes, we entered a large court, in which some 2,000 persons were assembled, 
armed and in their best apparel, but observing no sort of order; it was a wild 
and novel sight. Malays are always armed. The kris to them is what the 
sword was to an English gentleman in the feudal times. Every person who, 
by virtue of his rank or on any other pretext, could gain admittance was in 
attendance on this occasion; for our Rajah had become a justly celebrated man 
in the great Eastern Archipelago, and was an object of curiosity. 

We were conducted through the crowd to a corner of the courtyard, where 
a building inferior to a small English barn, was pointed out as the Sultan's 
palace. We entered it by a flight of broad wooden steps (for the palace was 
raised on piles), through a narrow passage thronged with guards * « ♦ and 
we found ourselves in the royal presence. 

The audience chamber was not very large; a table, covered with green cloth, 
ran across the center of it; above the table, and around the upper end of the 
room sat a very brilliant semicircle of personages, the Sultan occupying a raised 
seat in the middle. The cortege consisted of his grand vizier, the members of 
the royal family, and the great datus and officers of state. Behind these stood 
the guards and attendants, dressed in silks, the colors being according to the 
fancy of their respective masters. 

The Sultan gave us a gracious reception, shaking hands with each officer as he 
was presented. This ceremony over, chairs were placed for Sir James and his 
suite; while those of our party, who could not get seats, formed a semicircle 
on the other side of the table. The scene was striking and gay. 

The Sultan is a young-looking man, but with a dull and vacant expression, 
produced by the too free use of opium: his lips were red with the mixture of 
betel nut and cere leaf,* which he chewed. 

He was dressed in rich silks, red and green the predominant colors. A large 
jewel sparkled in his turban, and he wore jewels also profusely on his person. 

^A leaf chewed with betel nut. 

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The hilt of his kris, the great distinguishing ornament of all Malays, was 
lieautifully decorated with gold wire, curiously twisted in. Immediately behind 
the Sultan, in closest attendance on his i)erson, stood the cupbearer, a fine young 
man dressed in green silk, who held in his hand a purple finger glass, which 
was constantly held to his royal master's mouth, to receive the filthy-looking 
mixture which is in such favor with these people — composed of the juice of the 
betel leaf, with the arec^ nut and gambier. The other personages composing 
the circle were dressed with equal gaudiness, in bright silks; in the selection, 
however, of their colors they displayed considerable taste. Many of the guards 
were dressed in very ancient chain armor, consisting of skull caps and tunics, 
covering the' arms and reaching from the throat to the knee. 

Those armed with sword, spear, and kris did not look amiss; but two sentries, 
placed to guard the entrance to this ancient hall of audience, each shouldering 
a very shabby-looking old Tower musket, of which they looked very proud, had 
an absurd effect. 

After a reasonable time passed by each party in admiration of the other, 
the conversation was opened by Sir James Brooke, who, as Her Majesty's com- 
missioner in these regions, submitted to the Sultan certain propositions on 
matters of business. 

To these His Majesty expressed his willingness to accede; and he graciously 
reminded Sir James that the royal family of Sulu were under considerable 
obligations to the English; inasmuch as his great-grandfather, Sultan Amir,* 
having been once upon a time imprisoned by the Spaniards in the fortress of 
Manila, was delivered from durance vile and reinstated on the throne of his an- 
cestors by Alexander Dalrymple A. D. 1763. This was now the more liberal 

on the part of His Majesty, because his royal ancestor had not at the time 
allowed the service to be altogether unrequited; for he ceded to the English 
Government a fins island adjoining Sulu (of which, by the bye, no use appears 
to have been made), together with the north end of Borneo and the south end 
of Palawan, with the intervening islands. 

At length we took leave of his Majesty, retiring in much the same order as 
that in which we had entered. Although no actual treaty was concluded with 
the Sultan, Sir James paved the way for opening up commerce and for cul- 
tivating a better understanding with the natives. 

In the afternoon we visited one Datu Daniel, a powerful chief, very friendly, 
and well disposed toward the English. His stronghold was at a short distance 
in the country, at the foot of one of the mountain slopes, fortified in much the 
same way as the Sultan's, but on a smaller scale; his stockades were, however, 
quite as strong, and his guns in better order. His inclosed court, being likewise 
a farmyard with a good supply of live stock, looked as if he was better prepared 
than his royal master to stand a long siege; his wives looked happy, his children 

merry, and, on the whole, his domestic life appeared tolerably comfortable. 

• « « 

Considering that Sulu was the great commercial center of these seas, we were 
surprised at not seeing more large praus; there were none afloat, and very few 
hauled up; the number, however, of building sheds and blacksmith's forges 
showed that they have the means of starting into activity at short notice. 

Who could have thought that, after such devastation aiid havoc as the 
Spaniards wrouglit on Balangingi, another chief would have the courage 
to settle on such a hateful spot again! Yet we learn that in spite of 

1 Amirul Mu'minin or Alimud Din I. 
71290— 7 


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the contrary advice of the Sultan and his council, Datu Tampang, as 
early as December, 1848, stationed himself at Pa'at, Balangingi Island, 
and constructed a fort with the intention of defying the Spanish forces 
and fighting them again. An isolated case like this can not be explained 
except on the ground of foolliardiness, for Tampang was soon after that 
dislodged by tlie governor of Zamboanga. But it appears that it was 
necessary again for the Spaniards to send another squadron under 
Manuel Quesada, consisting of two steam gunboats and other sloops and 
vessels, to clean up Balangingi once more and to strike at the Moros 
of Basilan and Pilas. Nor was this sufficient, for we learn that before 
the end of the same month of December, 3,000 Sulus and Samals 
attacked the Spanish forces on Basilan, probably at Isabela, and were 
repulsed. In 1849 the Spaniards retaliated and reduced to ashes the 
settlements of Bwal, Samalang, and Gumbalang. Undaunted, the Mo- 
ros of Tonkil, together with others, in 1850 raided the Islands of Samar 
and Kamigin and carried away more than 75 natives. 


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Chapter IV 

DECLINE OF SULU, 1851-1896 


Tlie fearlessness of the JVIoros in battle, their determination, per- 
sistence, and fortitude must have disheartened the Spaniards very often 
in their weary attempts to conquer and pacify Sulu. The Sulns have 
never had any standing army. Every able-bodied male was a soldier 
and a sailor. Thousands of Sulus and Samals stood ready at a moment's 
notice to man a fleet and defend a fort. Every fort the Spaniards re- 
duced the Sulus could rebuild in a short time; every fleet destroyed they 
could replace with little expense. They had enough pearls to purchase 
guns and ammunition, and a few months after a defeat they were ready to 
fight again, better prepared than before. War with Sulu, in the way it 
was conducted, meant a war of extermination and hostilities without 
end. Its worst evils befell the helpless natives of the coast settlements of 
the Bisayas and southern Luzon to whom Spain was unable to afford safe 
protection. The Moros would slip through in the night or take ad- 
vantage of a favorable wind and attack the Spanish forces or the de- 
fenseless villages while they were unaware of danger or unprepared 
for a fight. For a long while it scH?med beyond the power of the Phil- 
ippine (Tovemment to reestablish peace or restrict hostilities to Sulu 
waters. The magnificent victory of C'laveria was hailed as mark- 
ing the beginning of a new era of safety and glory, but its effects did not 
last long, and the fear of the Moros beset the hearts of the Bisayans once 

In the light of such profound experience as the Philippine Govern- 
ment had had with Moro afl'airs Governor Urbiztondo might have con- 
tended himself with punishing the Moros of Tonkil and their abettors 
and allies, but another element of serious concern entered into the 
problem which threatened not only to render it more vexatious and un- 
solvable, but dangerous in the extreme. It was not so much the evils of 
disturbed relations with Sulu as the harm that would arise from En- 
glish occupation of or alliance with Sulu that Urbiztondo feared, for 
in 1841), Sir James Brooke visited Jolo and made a treaty with the 


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Sultan of Sulu,^ tlie seventh article of which declared a promise made 
by the Sultan of Suhi not to make any cessions of territory within his 
dominion nor recognize sovereignty rights nor promise fealty to any 
nation without the consent of Great Britain. The overt object of this 
treaty was "to kee]) open for the benefit of the mercantile world that 
imj)rovable field for commercial enterprise/' but the ultimate purpose 
of such an agreement was not difficult to foresee. The governor of 
Zamboanga went to Jolo and protested strongly, declaring such a treaty 
an act of disloyalty to Spain, for which the Sultan and his council would 
be held responsible. The subject was debated with considerable feeling 
on both sides. The governor remained at Jolo twenty-seven days and 
returned without advantage. 

The treaty was never ratified by Great Britain, but such endeavors on 
the part of a strong maritime European power made it necessar}' for 
Spain to act decisively and expeditiously. Urbiztondo then pressed to 
the attention of Sultan Pulalun and his council the necessity of punish- 
ing the Samals of Tonkil for their depredations on Samar and Kamigin 
and requested the return of the captives whom they carried away. Con- 
siderable controversy followed and the Sulus pretended that they were 
unable to punish Tonkil, but offered no objection to its castigation by 
the Philippine Government. 

Aware of the seriousness of the situation, Urbiztondo made prepara- 
tions for war and decided to attack not Tonkil only, but Jolo also, 
repeating there the example of Balangingi, and to bring Sulu under 
the control of Spain. Eeferring to this cause. Captain Keppel, in his 
"Visit to the Indian Archipelago,'' makes the following remarks : 

His [the Sultan's] fortified position gave him weight, which he had frequently 
thrown into the scale of humanity: and it must now be feared that many whom 
he was able to hold in check will again follow their evil propensities unrestrained, 
as they did under previous dynasties. 

The resentment of Spain, as visited upon the Sultan of Sulu, seems equally 
impolitic and unjust. The pretext was piracy, of which some solitary instance 
may very possibly have been established against a Sulu prahu; but the Sultan 
was certainly sincere in his wish to cooperate against that system. There is 
ground to fear that national jealousy was desirous of striking its puny blow 
at an European rival, through the degradation of the Sultan of Sulu — that he 
has incurred, in fact, the resentment of the Spanish colonial governors, by those 
commercial treaties with ourselves which were but lately concluded by Sir 
James Brooke.* 

On the 11th day of December, 1850, Urbiztondo left Manila in com- 
mand of a force consisting of 100 troops of artillery, 500 of infantry, 
2 mountain howitzers, and a number of irregular troops and workmen. 
Two steamboats, one corvette, and one brigantine carried the troops to 
Zamboanga, where they arrived on the 20ih, Here 2 companies of 

1 See Appendixes XVI and XVII. 

' A visit to the Indian Archipelago, p. 58. 


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infantry and 102 volunteers and (j tenders under the command of the 
governor of Zamboanga joined the expedition. At Belun they burned 
'^50 houses and 20 vintas. A small force of Moros was encountered, 
of which they killed 3 and captured 17 prisoners, one of whom was a 
panglima. The chief of Bukutwan surrendered and promised to remain 
obedient to. Spain. At Tonkil had weather was encountered and the 
whole expedition turned toward Jolo. 

Jolo was well fortified. It had five forts on the sea front, the 
strongest two of which were that of the Sultan on the right and that 
of Datu Daniel on the hill. Three other forts were located on prominent 
points at the base of the hills. The town was further defended by a 
double line of trenches, other fortifications and much artillery. The 
population was estimated at 6,000 Moros and 500 Chinese. 

The fleet saluted the town and anchored in the roadstead. Two offi- 
cers were sent ashore to notify the Sultan of the presence of the 
Governor-General and of his wi«h to haVe an interview with the Sultan 
and two of his datus, on board. The people were excited to such a high 
degree, that the mob grew violent and uncontrollable as the officers drew 
near the shore. Insults and weapons were hurled at them from every 
side, and the people shouted to them to return lest they be killed. They, 
however, pushed on in the direction of the Sultan's fort, where some 
datus came out to meet and protect them. Even then spears were 
thrown at them, and one of the datus had to use his kampilan in order 
to enforce his orders. The Sultan at last came out personally, embraced 
the officers, and conducted them to the audience hall. There the mes- 
sage was delivered to the Sultan and his council, but they all refused to 
go on board. The officers met the same difficulty in leaving the Sultan's 
house as in coming in, and as soon as they embarked five shots were 
discharged at them by the mob. The officers reported that the town 
had more than 10,000 fighting men and that it was well provisioned and 
well defended, and that all the women and children were removed to 
the mountains. Urbiztondo decided that his forces and provisions were 
inadequate for the occasion and did not risk a combat. On January 1, 
1851, as the fleet was preparing to sail away, the Sulus fired at it, 
killing seven, wounding four, and damaging the hulls of some of the 
vessels. The fleet returned the fire, but kept moving, and sailed away 
in the direction of Tonkil. Here the expedition met no organized 
resistance. Six hundred men were disembarked, fought some armed 
parties, caught 4 and killed 25 men, and rescued 29 captives. About 
1,000 houses and 106 boats were burncnl, and the fleet then returned to 

Here Urbiztondo nuide further and extensive preparations to 
strengthen his expe<lition. The commanding marine officer was sent to 
Manila with s])ecial instructions to augment the fleet and bring sufficient 


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ammunition and provisions. The Augustinian friar Pasciial Ibanez 
raised a force of 750 Cebuans and 21 barangay, or large boats, and 
volunteered his help. Lumber was cut at Basilan, and lankan,^ rafts, 
and ladders were constructed. A^ohmteers were furtlier called for, and 
a large fleet of war vessels and transports was assembled at Zamboanga 
February 12, 1851. 

Besides the staff, engineers, surgeons, and chaplains, the reenforced 
expedition contained 11 officers and 253 privates of artillery, 1 officer 
and 30 privates of sappers, 123 officers and 2,593 privates of infantry, 
525 volunteers from Cebu, 100 from Iloilo, and 300 from Zamboanga; 
in all 142 officers, 2,876 privates, and 925 volunteers, besides rowers 
and other workmen. The vessels carrying the forces were 1 corvette, 1 
brigantine, 3 steamboats, 2 gunboats, 9 tenders, 9 transports, and 21 
harangay, with various vintas,^ Jankan, and rafts. On February 19 
mass was celebrated and the expedition started for the haughty and 
arrogant city. 

Jolo was reached on the 27th and the fleet anchored in two divisions 
opposite both sides of the town. The troops disembarked at dawn next 
morning and engaged the enemy as both divisions of the fleet began a 
simultaneous bombardment of the town and forts. The marksmanship 
of the Sulus and Spaniards was splendid, and the guns of the forts were 
very active. The spectacle was magnificent, the attack was most valorous, 
and the defense most valiant. In the heat of battle one friar was 
killed as he was scaling the wall and three officers fell by his side and lay 
surrounded by 70 corpses of Sulus. After several attempts one of the 
forts on the northeast side was taken by storm and the escaping Sulus 
made for Daniel's fort. As they were admitted into the latter, it was 
rushed by the Spanish troops who entered in spite of the desperate 
resistance the Sulus made. As the inner inclosure was gained the Sulus 
hurled themselves from the parapets and fled. The fighting continued 
until next day, when every fort was reduced, and the Sulus evacuated 
the town. The casualties of the attacking forces were 36 dead and 92 
wounded, while the Sulus lost 300 dead. The whole town was burned to 
ashes and 112 pieces of artillery were taken. After four days, the Gov- 
ernor-General and his council decided to evacuate the town and sailed 
away, leaving it ungarrisoned. They evidently thought that their purpose 
was accomplished and that they could not afford to leave a force suf- 
ficiently strong to defend the place. 

On April 30 a treaty was made with Sultan Pulalun by the politico- 
military governor of Zamboanga, Col. Jose Maria de Carlos. The treaty 
was declared to be "an act of incorporation of the sultanate of Sulu to 

^ A big dugout canoe. 

> Vesaels of some 11 meters length, IJ meters beam, and 40 centimeters overhang at the 
bow. They are furnished with outriggers and a removable deck [commonly of loose 
slats]. (Note in Montero y Vidal's History of the Piracy of the Mohammedan Malays.) 


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TREATY OF APRIL 30, la^l 209 

the Spanish Monarchy." The Sulus understood it to be a firm agreement 
and friendly union with Spain. They, however, appear to have rec- 
ognized tlie supremacy of Spain and accepted lier protectorate. The? 
agreed to use the Spanish flag and prohibit piracy. They further 
bound themselves not to make any treaties with any nation other than 
Spain nor to build forts nor to import firearms without her permission. 
Spain promised to respect and recognize the ranks of the Sultan and 
datus and to protect Sulu boats everj'where and to the same extent as 
Spanish boats. Duties on foreign boats were to be paid to the Sulus. 
Religious liberty was guaranteed. The Sultan issued passports to the 
Sulus and countersigned Spanish passports given to people entering the 
ports of Sulu. 

It was agreed that Spain would build a trading post at Jolo and 
establish a small garrison for its protection. The Sultan and the datus 
resumed their residence in the town of Jolo, with apparently very little 
change from former conditions. 

In consideration of the losses incurred by the Sultan and datus through 
the destruction of their houses and town, and on condition that the Sulus 
aid in the construction and prot<?ction of the Jolo trading post, annuities 
were granted to the Sultan, three datus, and one subordinate chief. 

The treaty was written in both Spanish and Sulu and was signed and 
sealed by both parties. Complete and exact translations of the Spanish 
and Sulu copies of this treaty have been carefully made and are here 
given in full. The Sulu copy of the treaty appears to have been written 
or dictated by interpreters not versed in Sulu, and the difference in text 
is such as would easily explain the frequent misunderstandings between 
the Spanish officials and the Sulu authorities in cases pertaining to the 
application of the tenns of this treaty. 

TREATY OF APRIL 30, 18.51 

Sultanate of Sulu 

Act of Incorporation into the Spanish Monarchy y April 30, J861 

Solemn declaration of incorporation and adhesion to the Sovereignty of Her 
Catholic Majesty Isabel II, Constitutional Queen of Spain, and of submission 
to the Supreme Government of the Nation, made by His High Excellency the 
Sultan of Sulu, Mohammed Pulalun, Datus Mohammed Buyuk, Muluk, Daniel 
Amil Bahar, Bandahala, Muluk Kahar, Amil Badar, Tumanggung, Juhan, Sana- 
jahan, Xa*ib, Mamancha and Sharif Mohammed Binsarin, in the name and in 
representation of the whole island of Sulu, to Colonel Jos4 Marfa de Carlos y 
O'Doyle, Politico-Military' Grovemor of the Province of Zamboanga, islands of 
Basilan, Pilas, Tonkil, and those adjacent thereto, as Plenipotentiary specially 
.authorized by His Excellency Antonio de Urbiztondo, Marquis of Solana, Grovernor 
and Captain-General of the Philippine Islands. 

Article 1. His Excellency the Sultan of Sulu, for himself, his heirs and descend- 
ants, Datus Mohammed Buyuk, Muluk, Daniel Amil Bahar, Bandahala, Muluk 
Kahar, Amil Badar, Tumanggung, Juhan, Sanajahan, Na'ib, Mamancha and 


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Sharif Mohammed Binsarin, all of their own free will, declare: That, for the 
purpose of making amends to the Spanish Nation for the outrage committed 
against it on the first of January of this year, they desire and request that the 
island of Jolo and all its dependencies be incorporated with the Crown of Spain, 
which for several centuries has been their only sovereign and protectress, making 
on this day a new solemn declaration of adhesion and submission and recognizing 
Her Catholic Majesty Isabel II, Constitutional Queen of Spain, and those who 
may succeed her in this supreme dignity, as their rightful Sovereign Lords and 
Protectors, in virtue of the treaties made in old times, of the treaty of 1836 
and the additions made thereto by the present governor of Zamboanga in August, 
and also and very particularly of the recent conquest of Jolo on the 28th of 
February of the present year by C'aptain-General Antonio Urbiztondo, Marquis 
of Solana and Grovernor -General of. the Philippine Islands. 

Article 2. The Sultan and Datus solemnly promise to maintain the integrity 
of the territory of Sulu and all its dependencies as a part of the Archipelago 
belonging to the Spanish Government. 

Article 3. The island of Sulu and all its dependencies having been incorporated 
with the Crown of Spain, and the inhabitants thereof being part of the great 
Spanish family which lives in the vast Philippine Archipelago, the Sultan and 
Datus shall not be empowered to make or sign treaties, commercial agreements 
or alliances of any kind with European powers, companies, persons or corporations, 
and Malayan sultans or chiefs, under pain of nullity; they declare all treaties 
made with other powers to be null and void if they are prejudicial to the ancient 
and indisputable rights held by Spain over the entire Sulu Archipelago as part 
of the Philippine Islands, and they ratify, renew and leave in force all documents 
containing clauses favorable to the Spanish (government that may l^ave been 
drawn up before this date, however old they may be. 

Article 4. They renew the solemn promise not to carry on piracy or allow 
anybody to carry on piracy within the dominions of Sulu, and to run down those 
who follow this infamous calling, declaring themselves enemies of all islands 
that are enemies of Spain and allies of all her friends. 

Article 5. From this day forth the island of Sulu shall fly the Spanish national 
flag in its towns and on its ships, and the Sultan and other constituted author- 
ities shall use the Spanish war flag, under the principles in use in other Spanish 
possessions, and shall use no other either on land or on sea. 

Article G. The island of Sulu and its dependencies having been declared an 
integral part of the Philippine Archipelago, which belongs to Spain, commerce 
under the Spanish flag in all the ports of the Sultanate shall be free and 
unmolested, as it is in all the ports belonging to the Nation. 

Article 7. The Sultan and Datus of Sulu, having recognized the sovereignty of 
Spain over their territory, which sovereignty is now strongly established, not 
only by right of conquest but by the clemency of the conqueror, they shall not 
erect fortifications of any kind in the territory under their command without 
express permission of His Excellency the (Jovernor-General of these Islands; the 
purchase and use of all kinds of firearms shall be prohibited except with a 
license issued by the same supreme authority, and craft found with arms other 
than the edged weapons which have from time immemorial been in use in the 
country shall be considered as enemies. 

Article 8. The Spanish Government, as an unequivocal proof of the protection 
which it grants the Sulus, will give the Sultan and Datus adequate Royal titles 
establishing their authority and their rank. 

Article 9. The Spanish Government guarantees with all solemnity to the 
Sultan and other inhabitants of Sulu the free exercise of their religion, with 


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TREATY OF APRIL 30, 1851 211 

which it will not interfere in the slightest way, and it will also respect their 

Article 10. The Spanish Government also guarantees the right of succession to 
the present Sultan and his descendants in the order established and as long as 
they observe these agreements, and equally guarantees the rank and dignities 
of the privileged classes, which shall retain all their rights. 

Article 11. Sulu ships and goods shall enjoy in Spanish ports, without any 
distinction whatever, the same privileges and advantages granted the natives 
of the Philippine Islands. 

Article 12. £xcept in the case of Spanish ships, the duties that constitute the 
income with which the Sultan and Datus maintain their respective ranks shall 
remain in force, so that they may continue to keep up the proper splendor 
and decorum of their station; for this purpose said duties shall be paid by 
all ships coming to their ports; other measures will be taken later on to 
enhance their dignity and increase their prestige. 

Article 13. For the purpose of assuring and strengthening the authority of 
the Sultan, and also of promoting a regular trade which may enrich the island 
of Sulu, a trading post, garrisoned by Spanish forces, shall be established as soon 
as the Government so orders, and in accordance with Article 3 of the Treaty 
of 1836; for the building of the trading post the Sultan, Datus, and natives 
shall give all the assistance in their power and furnish native labor, which 
will be paid for, and all necessary materials, which they will charge at the 
regular market prices. 

Article 14. The trading post shall be established at the place called Daniel's 
Kuta, next to the roadstead, as it is the most suitable place; but care shall 
be taken not to encroach in any way on the native cemetery, which has to be 
religiously respected, and no buildings whatever shall be erected in said cemetery, 
so as to avoid the trouble that would ensue to those who might build there. 

Article 15. The Sultan of Sulu may issue passports to all persons within his 
dominions that may request them, and fix the amount of the fees; he is also 
authorized to countersign or place his seal on the passports of Spaniards visiting 
his place of residence. 

Abticle 16. In view of the Sultan's declarations regarding the losses suffered 
by him in the destruction by fire of his forts and palace, and convinced of the 
reality of the losses, the Spanish Government grants him an annuity of 1,500 
pesos in order to indemnify him in a certain way for these losses and at the 
same time to help him to maintain, with proper splendor, the decorum due 
his person and his rank. The same considerations induce the Spanish Government 
to grant Datu Mohammed Buyuk, Muluk and Datu Daniel Amil Bahar 600 
pesos per annimi each, and 360 pesos to Sharif Mohammed Binsarin on account 
of his good services to the Spanish Government. 

Article 17. The articles contained in this solemn Act shall go this day into full 
effect, subject however to the superior approval of His Excellency the Governor- 
General of these Philippine Islands. Any doubt which may arise in regard 
to the text of this Act shall be resolved by adhering to the literal meaning of 
the Spanish text. 

Signed at Jolo on the 19th of April 1851.— Seal of the Sultan.— Seals of 
Datus Muluk Kahar; Tumanggung; Sanajahan; Mamancha ; Muluk Bandahala ; 
Amil-Badar; Juhan; Na'ih; and signature of Sharif Mohammed Binsarin. — 
The Politico-Military Governor of the province of Zamboanga etc.: Jos^ Marfa 
de Carlos y O'Doyle. 

I, Don Antonio de Urbiztondo y Egufa, Marquis de la Solana, Knight Grand 
Cross of the Royal American Order of Isal)el the Catholic, Knight of the Roynl 


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Order of San Fernando of the first and third class, and of that of San Herma- 
negildo, Lieutenant-Generai of the National Forces, Governor and Captain- 
General of the Philippine Islands, President of the Royal Audiencia of the 
Philippine Islands, Judge-Subdelegate of Post Office Revenues, Vice-Royal Patron, 
and Director-General of the troops, etc., approve, confirm and ratify this capitula- 
tion in the name of Her Majesty Isabel II. 

Manila, April 30, 1851. — Antonio de Urbiztondo. 

True copy. — Seal of the Captain-General of the Philippines. 

Royal order approving the salaries assigned to the Sultan and Datus of Sulu, 
December 14, 1851. 

The Queen (whom God save), in view of the letter of Your Excellency of 
May 3rd last. No. 1236, and of the report of the Secretary of State on the 
subject, has been pleased to approve the salaries assigned by Article 10 of the 
Capitulation to the Sultan and Datus of Sulu, and amounting to 1,500 pesos for 
the Sultan, 600 pesos for each of the Datus Mohammed Buyuk Muluk and 
Daniel Amil Bahar, and 360 for Sharif Binsarin. 

By Royal order etc. 

Madrid, December 1^, IS/il. 

The Intendant of the Philippines. 


A statement of firm agreement and union (in friendship) made by the Queen 
Spain Isabel II, Constitutional Queen of all Spain, and the honorable officers of 
her government, with the Mawlana Sultan Mohammed Pulalun and the Datus 
Mohammed Buyuk, Muluk, Amil Bahar, Bandahala, Muluk Kahar, Amil Badar, 
Tumanggimg, Julian, Sawja'an, Na'ib, Mamancha, and Tuan Sharif ^lohammed 

The King was represented here by Colonel Don Jos^ Maria de Carlos y (VDoyle, 
Politico-Military Governor of the Province of Zamboanga and islands of Basilan, 
Pilas, Tonkil, and others, who was given power and authority by General Don 
Antonio de Crbiztondo, Marquis of Solana, Governor and Great Captain of the 
Philippine Islands. 

Article 1. The Maluisari Mawlana Sultan of Sulu and his ministers together 
with the datus mentioned above have the great desire to state that they had 
good intentions toward the people of Spain, on January 1, of this year. They 
also state that the relation of Sulu and its dependencies to Spain has been one 
of intimate union from the first until now. 

They make anew, to-day, a firm agreement of union in friendship with the 
Queen of Spain Isabel II, Constitutional Queen of All Spain, and all her honorable 
officers, to reaffirm the previous agreement of 1836, as also the agreement of last 
year made with the governor of Zamboanga, in the month of August, which fully 
affirmed the "Kunkista" * of Sulu which was effected on the 28th of February, 
this year, by Sefior the excellent Don Antonio Urbiztondo, Marquis of Solana, 
(Governor and great Captain of the Philippine Archipelago. 

Article II. The Sultan and Datus promise with firm intention and brotherhood 
not to revoke their agreement to the occupation of Sulu and its dependencies, 
regarding them as dependencies of Spain. 

Article III. Sulu and her dependencies alike use the Spanish flag; the people 
of Sulu and her dependencies are one with the people of Spain, and ally themselves 
to the Philippine Islands. 

1 The Spanish word for conquest transliterated. The word can not be understood by 
the Sulus. 


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TREATY OF APRIL 30, 3851 213 

It shall not be right for the Sultan and the Datus to make treaties with Malay 
datus or any nation other than Spain, whether that nation is Spain's ally or 
not. Should such treaties be made they would be null. So also they can not 
make any contracts with any persons other than Spaniards, nor any agreement 
contrary to the previous ones. Such agreements, if made, will not be binding 
because Spain is in all the islands of Sulu as she is in her Philippine Islands, 
and Sulu has previous friendship treaties with Spain. 

Akticle IV. New promise: Pirates shall not be allowed at all here in Sulu. 
Should they commit any crime they shall be punishe<l wherever they may be. 

Article V. The subordinate rulers, and all boats, from this day on, shall use 
the Spanish flag, but the Sultan and the Datus can use a war flag like the Spanish 
otticials. They will not use any other flag. 

• Article VI. The Island of Sulu and all its dependencies large and small, being 
the sam^ as the Philippine Islands in that they belong to Spain, all Spanish 
officers and all ships flying the Spanish flag may navigate through the Sulu 
Archipelago without any objection. 

Article VII. It is recognized by the Sultan and the Datus that the King of 
Spain is powerful these days and is just and merciful in acquiring **Kunkista,'' 
and that it is not right to build forts without informing the Spanish Government 
nor to buy aims without having also informed the Spanish Government, nor 
to have boats carry any arms except the kris and the spe^r, for other arms are 
signs of enmity. 

Article VIII. The Spanish Government, wishing to promote fellowship with 
the people of Sulu, gives the sultan and the datus titulu (titles) to increase their 
respect and honor. 

Article IX. The Spanish Government assures the Sultan and all the people 
that it will let their religion alone, and that it will not try to change their 
religion, nor object to the free exercise of their worship and the customs of 
their race. 

Article X. The Spanish Government does also promise the people and the 
Sultan that it will not break its word. It also promises to recognize the ranks 
of the Sultan and the Datus, and also those of subordinate rulers and the people. 

Article XI. Sulu boats and goods may go to Spanish countries without any 
objection, in the same manner as if they belonged to that country. 

Article XII. All ships that come to Sulu, except those of Spain, pay duties 
as previously, in order that the Sultan and the Datus may get a share of the 
income of their towns, and may adopt measures which, will improve and benefit 
the town. 

Article XIII. If the power of the Sultan is well established and sustained, 
he may be able to secure other profits besides this, by helping the Spanish CSrOvem- 
ment, in accordance with Article 3 of the treaty of 1836, providing for the 
building of a trading post which would be guarded by Spain. It will be proper 
for the Sultan and the Datus to help in the erection of this trading post, and 
all labor and lumber shall be paid for according to the custom of the place. 

Article XIV. This trading iK)st shall be built near the site of the fort of 
Amil Bahar.' It shall not encroach upon nor cause any injury to the cemetery 
of the Mohammedans, but out of due respect to their religion no house shall be 
erected there, and in case any be erected it shall be destroyed. 

Article XV. The vSultan of Sulu has tlie right to give passports to all of 
his people who request it, sign those which he issues, and countersign Spanish 
passports coming to Sulu. 

1 Datu Daniel. 


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Article XVI. The Spanish Government, forgiving the previous offenses of 
the Sultan, and in consideration of the destruction by fire of his palace and his 
fort, grants the Sultan a yearly sum of ?1,500 as a help and an indemnity for 
his losses. The Spanish Government also grants to each of the Datus Mohammed 
Buyuk, Muluk, and Amil Bahar, ?=600 a year, and to Tuan Sharif Mohammed 
Binsarin ^360 on account of his good services to Spain. 

Article XVII. The articles of this treaty shall take effect to-day. They shall 
be shown to the Captain-General of the Philippine Islands lest he would not 
agree to them. They are also in Spanish. 

This treaty gained its purpose in that it checkmated the agreement of 
Sir James Brooke, but it certainly did not receive as much consideration 
at Jolo and Zamboanga as it did at Madrid and London. Its effect was 
temporary only. As early as 1854 a town on Kapul was burned by the 
Spanish forces from Basilan. In 1855 the Sulus made a dash upon 
Zamboanga and burned the best part of the town. The "Light Fleet" 
issued from Isabela de Basilan in 1857, surprised Simisa, rescued 76 
captives, and took 116 prisoners. The chiefs against whom the expedition 
was directed presented themselves later to the governor of Zamboanga 
and exchanged the Moro prisoners for 60 Christian captives, 1 priest, 
and 1 European woman. Many pirates continued to scour the remote 
parts of the Archipelago. In 1858 Governor-General Norzagaray pub- 
lished a proclamation calling the attention of chiefs of provinces and 
municipalities to the approach of the season at which the pirates appear, 
and invoking their aid to caution the people and to take proper measures 
for the defense of their towns. Rewards were also offered for catching or 
killing pirates and for seizing their boats wherever found, but this had no 
important effect. In 1860 about 400 Moros raided the Straits of San 
Bernardino and plundered several settlements. 

The year 1861 marks a new era in the history of piracy and a new step 
in the organization of government for Mindanao and Basilan. At this 
time Spain and the Philippines were passing through a period of progress. 
Alive to the truth that commerce and piracy can not coexist, the govern- 
ment provided a competent naval force by which it was able to maintain 
unquestionable supremacy in the Sulu Sea. It purchased eighteen steam 
vessels in England and used them for chasing Moro pirates and for 
blockading the port of Jolo. The operations conducted by these vessels 
drove away hordes of pirates from Philippine waters, and, in the course 
of a decade, tenninated that long term of piracy under which the Islands 
had suffered for three centuries. 


Affairs in Mindanao had progrest^ed so satisfactorily that PoUok, 
Kotabato, and Davao were occupied by permanent garrisons, and peace 
and tranquillity reigned over the Celebes Sea. A politico-military gov- 
ernment was then established for all the pacified territory of Mindanao 


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and Basilan, and was designated as the Government of Mindanao. It 
comprised six districts, the first five of which helonged entirely to the 
Island of Mindanao. The sixth was called the district of Basilan and was 
defined as ^'comprising Basilan and the Spanish possessions in the 
Archipelago of Sulu." Suhi was not brought under this organization 
nntil 1878, when an additional district was created for this purpose. 
The form of this government and its chief characteristics are best 
described in the words of the royal order creating it, which is herein given 
in full because of many points of interest which are contained in the 
text and form of the decree, and which can not be well illustrated 
otherwise : 

Superior Civil Government 
Office of the Deputy Supci'intendcnt of the Philippine Treasury 


The Minister of War and Colonies communicated to this Superior Civil 
Government, on the 31st of July of last year, the following Royal order: 

Your Excellency: The Queen (whom God protect) has been pleased to issue 
the following Royal decree: Pursuant to the reasons laid before me by the 
Minister of War and Colonies, and in accordance with the opinion of the Council 
of Ministers, I hereby decree the following: 

Article I. A politico-military Government is hereby established for the island 
of Mindanao and adjacent islands. 

Article II. The Grovernment of Mindanao shall be divided into six districts: 
1. the Zamboanga District, formed of that part of the province of the same name 
which includes all of Sibugay Bay, and the west coast of the island as far 
as Murci4lago3 Point; 2. the District of the North, including, in the northern 
part of the island, all the territory between the boundary line of the Ist 
District and Dapitan Point, on Tutwan Bay; 3. the Eastern District, between 
Dapitan Point, and Karaga Bay; 4. the Davao District, beginning on the 
boundary line of the 3d District and including the Bay of Davao and all the 
southern extremity of the island; 5. the Central District, including Illana Bay, 
situated between the 1st and 4th districts; 6. the District of Basilan, comprising 
the Spanish possessions in the Archipelagoes of Sulu and Basilan. The capital 
of the Government shall be in the Central District, the most advantageous 
place at the mouth of the Mindanao River being chosen. These districts shall 
be divided into two classes; to the first class shall belong the Northern, Central 
and Eastern districts, and to the second those of Zamboanga, Davao and Basilan. 

Article III. The Governor of Mindanao shall receive 6,000 pesos as salary, 
and 2,000 pesos as entertainment fund. The latter shall be supplied from the 
revenues from Government real estate and licenses. The Governor's residence 
shall also be supplied by the State. 

Article IV. This Governorship shall corres|H)nd to the class of brigadier gen- 
erals; but the first Governor appointed may be a colonel, who will be entitled, 
as a reward, to an appointment as brigadier general after three years. 

Article V, The Governor of Mindanao shall be succeeded in his command by 
the officer of the highest rank in the island, pending the appointment of another 
Governor, or such action as the Captain General may deem advisable. In the 
districts, the Governor shall be succeeded by the officer next in rank, until the 
Governor of Mindanao appoints an Acting Governor and requests the Captain 
General to take such action as may be called for by the regulations in force. 


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Article VI. The duties ahd powers of the Captain General in regard to tlie 
Government of Mindanao, and those of the Governor of the island, shall be the 
same as those provided for the Bisayas in my Royal decree of this date. As 
military authorities, they shall observe the usual relations between Captains 
General and C*ommanders General of Provinces. The (>overnor of Mindanao shall 
forward each month to the Captain General of the Philippines a tabulated 
record of the resolutions taken by him in the exercise of his authority, so that 
the latter may be able to exercise with efficiency the general supervision to 
which he is entitled. The Captain (leneral shall forward to the Supreme Govern- 
ment, through the proper channels, both this tabulated record, and a statement 
of the action he has taken in the premises. 

Akticle VII. The districts of the first class shall be governed by lieutenant- 
colonels and those of the second class by senior majors. 

Article VIII. The duties of these district governors shall be those specified, 
up to the present time, for the politico-military Governors of the island. 

Article IX. The Governor of Mindanao shall have a Secretariate with the fol- 
lowing personnel: a Secretary' at 2,500 pesos per year; one clerk, class one, at 
1,200; one clerk, class two, at 1,000, and one clerk, class three, at 800. 1,000 
pesos are furthermore provided for the salaries of copyists, and 500 for office 

Article X. There is hereby created for Mindanao a Revenue Office which shall 
serve as dejjositary of the revenues, and shall have charge of collecting all 
taxes, and of the administration of the Army. It shall have the following 
personnel: an Administrator at 2,500 pesos; a Controller at 2,000; one clerk, 
class one, at 1,000; two clerks, class two, at 800, and a cashier at 800. 1,500 
pesos are provided for the salaries of copyists and other auxiliary employees, 
and 600 for office supplies. 

Article XI. The chiefs of districts shall remain in charge of the collection of 
taxes in the manner hitherto established, and shall be entitled to the allowances 
provided for that purpose. The provisions of this article shall not interfere 
with those already made for the departments of the administration which exist 
at the present time in Mindanao and their dependencies. 

Article XII. For expediting their official business the district governors shall 
have a secretaiy at a salary of 800 pesos in districts of the first class, and 000 
in those of the second class. To each secretary's office 75 pesos are assigned 
for office supplies, and 150 for a copyist. 

Article XIII. The mission of the Jesuits, which has already been sent to 
Mindanao, shall look after the spiritual wants of the island, and Jesuits shall 
take the place of the other priests as soon as the mission has a sufficient person- 
nel, and in the manner which may be deemed most convenient. 

Article XIV. The first and principal object of the mission shall be to secure 
the conversion of the races which have not yet been subjected, and even after 
the parishes of the island are provided for it shall maintain a sufficient number 
of missionaries for that purpose; each missionary shall be aided to the extent 
of 800 pesos a year from the Royal Treasury. 

Article XV. The War and Navy Departments, together with the Colonial Office, 
shall decide what forces of the army and navy are rixjuired for Mindanao; the 
Captain-General shall have authority to make such changes as the circumstances 
may require, but he shall always report such changes to the respective Ministers 
for approval. 

Article XVI. The Governor can use the naval forces whenever he finds it 
necessary, with the assent of the commanding officer thereof. 

Article XVII. It shall be the constant duty of the army to explore and to 


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occupy the country; for that purpose, two columns at least shall l)e detached 
each year from each district, and go through said districts in different directions. 
The chiefs of these columns shall make out a report about the territory recon- 
noitered by them; said reports shall be included in a jjeneral rejwrt made by 
the Governor, which shall l)e forwarded to the Department of War and Colonies 
through the Captain-CJeneral of the Philippines; this information will allow 
the Governor to give, in the following years his instructions to the columns 
sent out to explore the countrj', without losing sight of the advantage of 
establishing friendly relations with the tribes which inhabit the island, and the 
necessity of maintaining communication between the different districts. These 
columns shall be provided with everjlhing that may \ye reijuired to overcome 
the obstacles they will find on their way; and during the expedition, officers and 
soldiers shall receive field rations, issued in kind, according to the advice of 
the Military Health Department. For this purpose 10,000 pesos shall be carried 
on the budget for the first year, and 100 j^esos shall l>e given for each expedition 
to the officer commanding a column, for extraordinary expenses. 

Article XVIII. Two special agents shall be appointed by the government for 
the purpose of studying means of developing all the natural resources "of the island 
of Mindanao. 

Article XIX. In order to encourage colonists to settle in such parts of the 
island as may be deemed best, they will be furnished, at their request, the tools and 
implements required for their work or trade. The (lovernor is furthermore 
authorized to pay the traveling expenses of colonists who may wish to settle in 
the island without exceeding the sum hereinafter provided, the expenditure of 
which shall be duly accounted for. The new settlers shall be entitled to the 
foregoing privileges for ten years, and 12,000 pesos shall l)e appropriated for 
that purpose during the first year, from the revenues accruing from government 
real estate and licenses. The new settlers shall be exempt from tribute; the 
same favor shall be granted all tribes that submit peacefully. 

Article XX. The laws and regulations in force in the other islands of the Phil- 
ippines shall be observed in all the offices of the Treasury Department. The 
prohibitions mentioned in the tariff shall apply to the custom house of Zam- 
boanga; articles imported into the island in Spanish bottoms, and for local con- 
sumption, shall pay, during the next ten years, 2 per cent ad valorem y if of Spanish 
origin and 5 per cent if of foreign origin. If brought under a foreign flag said 
articles shall pay double the amounts specified above. If, after importing an article 
for use in the island, it is reexported to some other Spanish island, it shall pay, 
on arrival at the latter the difference between what has been paid in Mindanao 
and the regular duty established in the tariff. 

Article XXI. Lands now under cultivation, and those placed under cultivation 
during the next ten years, shall pay no other impost than that required by 
the regulations now in force, per quiiion of land, as an acknowledgment of 

Article XXII. The Government shall always have on hand a reserve fund of 
10,000 pesos to meet any urgent and unexpected need that may arise; in such 
cases only, the Governor shall assume the responsibility of using this sum, or 
jwirt of the same, and shall account for the expenditure, in the usual manner. 

Article XXIII. A sum of 3,000 pesos per year is placed at the disj)osal of the 
Governor for presents to the independent tribes, for the purpose of gaining 
their friendship; the same amount is assigned to the mission of the Jesuits. 
These funds shall be expended and accounted for in the best possible form. 

^Spanish. Como reconoclmienlo de dominio (I. e., of Spain). The idea is that the 
settler acknowledges that be does not own the land In fee simple, but holds it as a tenant 
of the state. 


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Article XXIV. For tlie expenses of installation a special estimate shall be 
drawn up, and action shall be taken thereon as provided by the laws for urgent 

Article XXV. No extra pay or allowances of any kind shall be given except 
such as arc provided in the present decree, and the per diems usually granted 
niilitiiry engineers when tliey are sent out on official business. 

Article XXVI. The War, Navy, and Colonies Departments shall execute the 
present Decree in the parts which respectively concern them, and shall work in 
common for the execution of such parts thereof as may belong to two or more 

Article XXVII. So many of the laws and orders in force as are inconsistent 
with the provisions of the present decree are hereby repealed. 

Given at San Ildcfonso on the 30th of July, 1860. 

Rubric of Her Majesty.- -The Minister of War and Colonies. Leopoldo 
0*Donnell. — Communicated to you by Royal order for your information and 

Sultan Pulalun was regarded by the Sulus as an able administrator 
and a just ruler. His influence and fame and that of his father endeared 
the house of Jamalul Kiram to the people to such an extent as to restrict 
the succession of the sultanate to their direct line of descent for a 
considerable period of time. Following the steps of his father, he 
published a revised code of Suhi laws and conducted the affairs of his 
government with care. Pulalun died September 24, 1862, and was 
followed by his son, Jamalul A*lam. 

The succession of Jamalul A'lam was contested by Datu Jamalul 
Kiram, the grandson of Sultan Sluikiml Lah. The wife of Datu Ja- 
malul Kiram was the daughter of Datu Daniel Amil Bahar, and the 
latter was inclined to support his son-in-law. Jamalul A'lam, however, 
had the majority of the coimcil of the datus on his side, and a Spanish 
commission sent to Jolo in November, confinned his sultanate. Espina 
states that at that time the sultan was living with Datu Asibi, and that 
tlie portrait of Queen Isabel II was placed before the sultan when he made 
his declaration before the commission to recognize the authority and 
sovereignty of Spain over all the dominions of Sulu, including her 
dependencies in Borneo. 

It is noted in tlie Sulu Annals, imder date of February 1, 1867, that 
a Spanish war vessel arrived at Jolo and demanded the pimishment and 
delivery of three men, one of whom was called Imam Mindang. The 
sultan arrested all these men and had them executed on February 9 
in the presence of the officer in command of the vessel. It appears that 
in sj)ite of the vigilance of the Spanisli navy, piratical expeditions were 
kept up by discontented Moros not fully submissive to the sultan. This 
led to further activity on the part of Spanish gunboats, and war was 
consequently carried into Sulu wat(Ms and territory. 

Another note in the Sulu Annals, imder date of March 5, 1872, states 
that 13 Spanish vessels attacked Jolo, killed 3 men and 1 woman and 


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lost 2 oflBcers and 100 soldiers. That same year the famous warrior 
Datu Daniel Amil Bahar died ; and Puerta Princesa, capital of Palawan, 
was garrisoned by native troops. A naval blockade of Jolo was estab- 
lished and hostilities between Sulu and Spain were resumed. In 1873- 
1875 considerable damage was done by the fleet throughout the Archi- 
pelago, and two German vessels were seized while carrying contraband 
of war to the Sulus. 

In the estimation of the Sulus, Jamalul A'lam was one of their best 
rulers. He carried out many public improvements, built roads and 
bridges and mosques, enforced public attendance at the Friday church 
services, and executed the laws with justice and force. He was as able 
a ruler as any sultan Sulu had since the days of Abu Bakr, but the 
vicissitudes of fortune were certainly against him. Before liis reign 
ended, Spain's hand fell upon him strong and heavy, his capital was 
wrested from him, and his power waned. 

71296 8 


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Chapter V. 


The Sulu sultanate remained practically independent for four hun- 
dred and twenty-five years. Its decline was not caused by national re- 
trogression or political dissension, but by the hostility and aggression of 
its adversary. Sulu's power arose through the introduction of firearms 
into eastern Malaysia and began to decline at the introduction of steam 
war vessels into the Philippine Archipelago. The mobility and speed of 
steam war vessels put to disadvantage all Moro sailing and rowing craft. 
Pirates were chased on the sea and hunted in their lairs. The fear which 
steamboats struck in the hearts of Moros made them run away from 
their homes and settlements and hide in the jungles whenever they heard 
the whistle of a steamboat, or saw it approaching from a distance. The 
steamboats purchased by Governor Claveria in 1848, which crushed the 
power of the Balangingi Samals, were referred to by Captain Keppel in 
the following words : 

"On the 14th of January [1849] we left Zambo^iga, getting under weigh in 
company with such a fleet of gunboats as would have done credit to any nation." 

The vessels purchased in 1861 increased the efficiency of the navy to 
such a degree as to make it possible to carry war into Sulu territory, 
attack many remote islands and settlements and blockade the port of 
Jolo so effectively as to check the importation of firearms and ammuni- 
tion, and restore a condition of safety and peace on the sea. 

The campaign of 1876 was a very significant event in the history of 
Sulu. It decided the fate of this state and definitely fixed its relation 
to the Philippine Archipelago. Spain's determination to conquer Sulu 
never waned and seemed stronger then than ever before. The Governor- 
General was a man of great ability and aspired to the highest military 
honors. Moro raids recurred occasionally and the strained relations of 
the two states became so tense that rupture was inevitable. 

In reviewing the history of Spanish campaigns in Sulu up to this 
time, one is strongly impressed with the futility of- conquest without 
occupation. To invade a Moro settlement, defeat its forces, bum its 
houses, kill some of its inhabitants, and carry some away as prisoners, 


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is not very different in character and effect from a Moro raid. Such 
methods incited the Moros to revenge themselves by waging war on 
their invaders. This they did by raiding, which is their established 
method of warfare. Up to this time natural advantages remained on 
the side of the Sulus and Spanish forces could accomplish no permanent 
results, in spite of their superior methods of warfare and excellent 
military organization. 

Since the days of the great Corcuera, no Spanish general appears to 
have recognized the importance of the occupation of Sulu as an essential 
factor in its pacification. Their apparent inability to comprehend the 
real solution of this question might have arisen from consciousness of 
their inability to provide an adequate force for the purpose. However 
that may have been, the honor of such an achievement remained for 
Governor-General Malcampo, who carried it out with credit to himself 
and to the government which he represented. With a clear understanding 
of the task to be accomplished, he resolved to conquer Sulu and occupy 
it, and then suppress piracy by striking the pirates at home. He left 
Manila on the 5th of February, 1876, with a large force composed of 
one battalion of the peninsular regiment of artillery, one company of 
mountain artillery, five regiments of infantry, ordnance, engineers, 
sanitary and prison detachments, and two companies of the Guardia 
Civil,^ At Zamboanga, the expedition was reinforced by 864 volunteei's, 
400 of whom were from Zamboanga and 464 from Kagayan de Misamis 
commanded by the Augustinian friar, Ramon Zueco. 

The whole expedition, estimated at 9,000 troops, left Zamboanga on 
the 20th of February. They were conveyed in 10 steamboats and 11 
transports, and were escorted by a fleet of 12 gunboats under the admiral 
in command of the Philippine naval forces. The Island of Sulu was 
reached on the 21st, and next morning a force disembarked at Patikul, 
4 miles east of Jolo. The Moros at this place offered some resistance 
and caused some casualties, but later in the day abandoned the place and 
fled. Here a considerable column was detached to reconnoitre the interior 
and advance on Jolo from the land side. This plan proved impracticable 
and the column suffered severely from heat and thirst and returned 
next day to the beach at Tandu, 2 miles east of Jolo. On the 29th, 
a general advance was made on Jolo by land and sea. The fleet opened 
fire on the town, while the land forces rushed the forts and trenches on 
the sides. The main force was directed against the fort of Daniel, which 
was captured after a sharp fight. The Moros in the other forts made 
a fiercer resistance, but were soon overcome by the fire of the Spanish 
artillery and the whole town was taken by assault. On the 30th, the 
fort of Panglima Adak, situate at the base of the hills, was taken. 
Not content with this brilliant victory and intent upon striking a 

^ A police force maintained in the Philippines during Spanish times. 

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decisive and deadly blow, Maleampo directed various expeditions against 
the other strongholds of Sulu. A force of marines and volunteers de- 
stroyed 80 boats and burned 90 houses on Tapul. On March 16 an 
expedition to Lapak destroyed its forts and reduced the settlement to 
ashes. On March 22 the forts of Parang were reduced, the settlement 
was burned, and many Sulus killed. On the 24 Maymbung was similarly 

A large garrison was established at Jolo, consisting of two regiments 
of infantry, one company of artillery, one company of engineers, and 
two companies of disciplinanos} Capt. Pascual Cervera, a captain of 
frigate of the navy was given command of the garrison, under the title 
of politico-military governor of Sulu. General Maleampo was given 
the title of "Count of Jolo,'' while many decorations were awarded to 
gallant oflScers, and a medal was struck for each participant in the 

The step thus taken by the Philippine Government appears to have 
been well planned and firmly resolved. No sooner was a footing gained 
than measures were undertaken to quarter the troops and fortify the 
place. Barracks were constructed on favorable spots on the edge of 
the swamps, and the forts Alfonso XII and the Princess of Asturias 
were erected on the site of Daniel's and Panglima Adak's kuta, respec- 
tively. Plans were further laid out at this early time for the building 
of a town and the founding of a colony. Governor Cervera, to whom 
this task was first entrusted, was a vigorous, prudent, and circumspect 
chief. He prosecuted the work with energy and kept a vigilant watch 
on the movements of the enemy. He began the construction of a 
military hospital and established the office of captain of the port. Small 
expeditions were made to Bwan, Mapaid, Balimbing, and South Ubian 
for the chastisement of pirates who took refuge there. The kuta of the 
first three of these settlements w^ere destroyed and their armaments 
were taken. This year saw considerable sickness in the garrison of Jolo ; 
a large number of patients were removed to Zamboanga and 318 to Cebu. 

On October 1, Governor Cervera was temporarily relieved as governor 
of Sulu by Col. Eduardo Fernandez Bremon, and on December 31, 1876, 
Brig. Gen. Jose Paulin assumed permanent command of the garrison as 
the second governor of Sulu. The latter continued the peace negotia- 
tions which were commenced by Governor Cervera and expended a good 
deal of energy in trying to conciliate some datus and their followers. 
His measures were, however, resented by the Sulus and hostilities in- 
creased. He left Jolo April 30, 1877, and the command was temporarily 
held by Lieut. Lopez Nuiio and Jose Marina, for three months and one 
month and a half, respectively. 

^ Troops made up of men deported from other parts of the Islands. 


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After the fall of Jolo and its destruction by General Maleampo, Sultan 
Jamalul A^lam removed to Bud Datu and later to Likup. The datus 
dispersed in all directions, but Datus Asibi and Pula, the strongest chiefs 
after the sultan, remained in the neighborhood of Jolo, at Tandu and 
Patikul. The Sulus were united at that time and formed one party, 
which was faithful and loyal to the sultan. They regarded the establish- 
ment of a Spanish garrison at Jolo as an intrusion upon their soil and an 
intolerable humiliation and offense. The common people resented the 
invasion as bitterly as the datus. A few years before they regarded 
themselves the lords of the southern seas. The Bisayan and the Kala- 
mian Islands, Paldwan, and eastern Borneo were their hunting grounds. 
They sailed proudly on the seas and had the dignity of masters of in- 
numerable vassals and slaves. But now like fierce tigers driven back 
to their dens or packs of hungry wolves chased to their haunts, they waited 
for no word of command or organized resistance, but hurled themselves 
recklessly at the Spanish soldiers wherever they encountered them. 
Individuals and small parties lost no chance of firing a rifle from behind 
the bushes or throwing a lance from across the ditches. Venders in the 
market who saw a chance to strike a blow at the soldiers, could not resist 
the temptation, but recklessly darted at the enemy with a kris or barong * 
brandished in hand. A vender from Lu'uk who did not have a barong 
of his own snatched one from a neighbor and rushed at the guard. The 
soldiers were attacked in the forest while cutting lumber or firewood, at 
the river while getting diinking water and at the beach while bathing. 
Juramentados ^ crept on the sentinels in the dark and from ditches and 
the beach and inflicted considerable loss and damage. Some desperate 
characters entered the trenches and fought the soldiers on guard, while 
others slipped into the barracks and caught soldiers and officers off their 
guard and threw torches on the roofs of the warehouses. 

Jamalul A'lam discouraged all overtures for peace, and for more than 
two years could not be reconciled to the new conditions and political 
status. Early in 1877 he encouraged hostilities of all sorts. jJura- 
mentados and small attacking parties harassed the garrison frequently. 
On the 25th of February a force of more than 2,000 Sulus advanced 
against the garrison, but we;*e easily repulsed. Small parties surprised 
pickets and attacked laborers. On the 9th of September about 800 
Sulus charged the town from the land side and from the sea and 300 
attacked Fort Asturias. They were repulsed in the afternoon, but 
resumed the attack at night and retreated with great loss. Another gen- 
eral fight occurred on the 11th, but the Moros were again overpowered and 

^ A large knife used by Moros in fighting. 

^ Men who have talcen an oath to kill non-Mohammedans. 


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driven back. Undaunted by these failures, the Sultan called a council of 
the datus and planned for another attack in the future. The juramenta- 
dos became more treacherous and intrepid. They hid their harongs inside 
their trousers and in bundles they pretended to be taking to the market 
and attacked the guard unawares and after admission into the plaza. 
This state of affairs continued until June, 1878. 


In January, 1878, Sultan Jamalul A'lam ceded the Sulu possessions 
in Borneo to the Sabah or British North Borneo Company. He granted 
the authorized representative of this company, Baron von Overbeck, 
absolute ownership and dominion over that large territory for a money 
consideration of $5,000, Mexican currency, per annum. The Sabah 
Company was preceded in 1865 by an American company started by Mr. 
Torrey on the Kimanis River. The concessions of the American com- 
pany were obtained from the Sultan of Bruney ; but this enterprise proved 
a financial failure and its rights were bought by the Austrian Baron von 
Overbeck and the English merchant Mr. Alfred Dent. 

"In spite of the opposition of Spain, which claimed that the Sultan of 
Sulu being a Spanish vassal could not dispose of his territory without her 
consent, the English company organized by Mr. Dent succeeded in 
obtaining a charter of incorporation under Act of Parliament, 1st Novem- 
ber, 1881, as the "^British North Borneo Company' with right to acquire 
other interests in, over, or affecting the territories or property comprised 
in the several grants.'^ Baron von Overbeck and Mr. Dent obtained from 
the Sultans of Bruney and Sulu a series of charters conferring on them 
sovereign authority in North Borneo under the titles of Maharaja of 
Sabah, Raja of Gaya, Raja of Sandakan, and Datu Bandahara. The 
territory governed by the British North Borneo Company has a coast line 
of over 600 miles and an area of more than 30,000 square miles. The 
form and text of the commission granted by Sultan Jamalul Alam 
appointing Baron von Overbeck Datu Bandahara and Raja of Sandakan 
is herein quoted as given in the annual report of Gen. George W. Davis, 
commanding the Department of Mindanao, under date of August 1, 1902 : 

*To all natiotis on the face of the earth whom these matters may concern: We, 
Mahasari Padukka Mawlana as-Sultan Mohammed Jamalul AHam bin al- 
Marhum Mahasari Padukka as-Sultan Mohammed Pulalun, Hultan of Sulu and 
its dependencies, send greeting: 

^^Whereas, we have seen fit to grant unto our trusty and well-beloved friends, 
Gustavus Baron von Overbeck and Alfred Dent, esquire, certain portions of the 
dominions owned by us, comprising all the lands on the north and east coast of 
the Island of Borneo, from the Fandasan River on the northwest to the Sibuco 
River on the east coast, including amongst others the states of Paitan, 8ugut, 
Bangaya, Tjabuk, Sandakan, Kina Batangan, and ^furaiang and all the lands 


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and territories in Darvel Bay as far as the Sibuco River, together with all the 
lands belonging thereto, for certain considerations between us agreed, and, 

*^ Whereas, the said Baron von Overbeck is the chief and only authorized 
representative of his company in Borneo: 

"Now, therefore, know ye that we, Mahasari Padukka Mawlana as-Sultan 
Mohammed Jamalul A'lam bin al-Marhum Mahasari Padukka as-Sultan Pulalun, 
Sultan of Sulu and its dependencies, have nominated and appointed and do 
hereby nominate and appoint the said Baron von Overbeck supreme and inde- 
pendent ruler of the above-named territories, with the title of Datu Bandahara 
and Kaja of Sandakan, with absolute power over life and death of the inhabitants 
of the country, with all the absolute rights of property over the soil of the 
country vested in us and the right to dispose of the same as well as the rights 
over the productions of the country, whether mineral, vegetable, or animal, with 
the rights of making laws, coining money, creating an army and navy, levying 
customs dues on home and foreign trade, and shipping and other dues and taxes 
on the inhabitants as to him may seem good or expedient, together with all 
other powers and rights usually exercised by and belonging to sovereign rulers, 
and which we hereby delegate to him of our own free and sovereign will. 

"And we call upon all foreign nations with whom we have formed friendly 
treaties or alliances, and we command all the datus, nobles, governors, chiefs, and 
people owing allegiance to us in the said territories to receive and acknowledge 
the said Datu Bandahara as the supreme ruler over the said states and to obey 
his commands and respect his authority therein as our own. And in case of the 
death or retirement from office of the said Datu Bandahara then his duly ap- 
pointed successor in the office of supreme ruler and governor-in-chief of the 
company's territories in Borneo shall like'wise, if appointed thereto by the 
company, succeed to the title of Datu Bandahara and Raja of Sandakan, and all 
the powers enumerated above be vested in him. 

"Done at the palace of the Sultan, at Likup, in the Island of Sulu, on the 
nineteenth of Muharam, A. H. 1295, being the 22nd day of January, A. D. 1878." 


Col. Carlos Martinez became Governor of Sulu on the 28th of Sep- 
tember, 1877. This distinguished commander applied himself to his 
work with unusual enthusiasm and assiduity, and by tact and sagacity 
succeeded in restoring order and peace, in the form of a treaty signed by 
him and by Sultan Jamalul A^lam in July, 1878. Great credit for the 
success of the negotiations belongs to Datu Ilarun ar-Eashid, who spared 
no effort to convince the Sultan that peace and loyalty to Spain were 
preferable to a condition of continued hostility, which meant ruin to 
the state of Sulu. The treaty laid stress on the submission of Sulu to 
Spanish sovereignty, and the terms of the Sulu text expressed the same 
fairly well and without evasion. This being the last treaty entered 
into by both states, it may be considered to define the final relation that 
existed between them and the exact position which Sulu occupied in the 
Philippine Archipelago during the last period of the Spanish regime. 
The best account of this relation is given in the words of the treaty itself, 
careful translations of which have been prepared from both the Spanish 
and Sulu texts and are herein added for full infomiation : 


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TREATY OF JULY, 1878 227 

Tbanslation of the Spanish Copy of the Treaty 

Office of the Govebnob-Genebal of the Philippines, 

Manila, August 19, 1878. 
The Supreme Grovernment having approved the bases of pacification and 
capitulation which are submitted thro)|gh me to his Majesty, the King, by the 
Sultan of Sulu and the Datus of Sulu, and the act to that effect, which I con- 
firmed and ratified on the 16th instant, having been drafted and signed by the 
commission appointed for that purpose by me in representation of my authority, 
and the Sultan and Datus, in representation of the sultanate of Sulu, I hereby 
direct that a copy of said act be published in the Official Gazette of Manila, in 
order that said bases be officially and publicly known. 

[Copy referred to.] 

An Act drafted on the bases of pacification and capitulation presented by the 
Sultan of Sulu and the Datus to His Majesty the King Alfonso XII, through 
His Excellency the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands, acknowledging 
the sovereignty of Spain over the territory of this sultanate. 

In the town of Likup, Sulu, and in the palace of His Excellency the Sultan of 

this Archipelago, on the 20th of July 1878, 23rd day of the month Rajab, 

year of the Hegira 1295: 

Present: Carlos Martinez y Romero, Colonel of Infantry and Politico-Military 
Governor of Jolo, Francisco Fernandez de Alarcon y Garcfa, Colonel of Marine 
Corps, Frigate Captain and Commander of the Naval Station of Jolo, and inter- 
preters, Alejo Alvarez y Villasis and Pedro Ortuoste y Garcia, these constitut- 
ing a commission representing His Excellency, the Governor-General of the 
Philippines : 

Also present: Padukka Mahasari Mawlana, Sultan Mohammed Jamalul AUam 
and the Datus Padukka Raja Muda, Mohammed Badarud Din, the Padukka 
Mohammed Zaynul 'Abidin Raja Lawut, the Padukka Datu Mohammed Harun 
ar-Rashid and the Datu Padukka Muluk Bandarasa, in the name and representa- 
tion of the Sultanate of Sulu; 

The object of the meeting was to read and sign the articles of pacification and 
capitulation presented by the Sultan and Datus to the Governor-General on 
February 24th, of this year, and approved by His Majesty Alfonso XII, on May 
3rd last; the reading of the articles being proceeded with as follows: Bases of 
pacification and capitulation presented by the Sultan and Datus of Sulu, to his 
Majesty the King of Spain Don Alfonso XII, through His Excellency the Gov- 
ernor-General of the Philippines, acknowledging the sovereignty of the King 
of Spain over the territory of the said sultanate. 

Abticle 1. We declare that the sovereignty to Spain over all the Archipelago 
of Sulu and its dependencies is indisputable, and as a natural consequence of 
this declaration we constitute ourselves loyal subjects of His Majesty King 
Alfonso XII, and of his successors to the power. 

Abticle 2. The Spanish Government shall give the Sultan a yearly salary of 
2,400 pesos, 700 to the heir of the sultanate Datu Badarud-Din and 600 to each 
of the Datus Padukka Raja I^wut Zaynul 'Abidin, Padukka Datu Harun ar- 
Rashid, Padukka Datu Muluk Bandarasa Pula, members of the Sultan's Council, 
to compensate them in some way for the losses they have suffered. 

Abticle 3. Spain has the right to occupy such points in the Sulu Archipelago 


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and its dependencies as may seem necessary to the Spanish authorities, respecting 
towns, families and property; in case of forcible appropriation for the public 
good, compensation shall be paid according to appraisement; we beg that ex* 
ception be made for the land extending from Sinungan Point to the south coast 
of Kadungdung, which we would use for our residences; it could be occupied 
by the Government in case of war with a foreign power. 

Article 4. Tlie Sultan shall be empow^ed to collect duties from foreign mer- 
chants and ships trading with places not occupied by the Government. 

Article 5. The Sultan shall be allowed to communicate directly with the Gov- 
ernor-Greneral whenever he has a complaint to make against the Governor, or the 
commander of war ships. 

Abticle 6. The Sultan shall be authorized to issue licenses to carry muzzle- 
loading firearms when requested by Sulus, after presenting two honorably known 
witnesses who will guarantee their proper use both on land and sea. 

Article 7. The Sultan shall be allowed to issue passports to Sulu craft; but 
when any of said craft has to leave the Sulu Archipelago, the owners will first have 
to go before the Governor; the principal datus and some other persons serving 
under commissions from the Sultan are to be excepted from this formality; but 
the Sultan shall report all such cases to the Governor. 

Article 8. We will use all our efforts ta cause pirates and malefactors to desist 
from their evil inclinations; and, if we can not prevent them, we will inform 
the Governor of Jolo for him to take the necessary measures, whenever we know 
the whereabouts of said pirates and malefactors; but we will not be held respon- 
sible if we have no information concerning them ; we furthermore agree to render 
all assistance in our power in running down such pirates and malefactors. 

Article 9. We shall be allowed the free exercise of our religion and customs, 
Catholic missionaries will have liberty to visit and reside in any place in Sulu, 
and its dependencies, and will give us notice before going, so that in case of 
danger we may furnish an escort; failure to give us notice will relieve us from 
all responsibility for any mishap that may befall them. The same caution 
applies to any European or Christian Indian native who may wish to visit the 

Article 10. We pledge ourselves to deliver to the Spaniards all Christian delin- 
quents and criminals, and all Moros in the same case shall be returned to us. 

Article 11. Sulu and its dependencies shall raise the Spanish flag on vessels 
and in towns; however, if a boat does not fly said flag it shall not be held at fault 
if it has a passport; at the place of the Sultan's residence he shall fly the Spanish 
war flag. 

Article 12. All the articles of the foregoing capitulation shall be observed 
without alteration, except by mutual agreement. 

Both commissions unanimously agreeing to the foregoing articles as read, said 
articles being identical with those whose copies were in the hands of the Governor 
and of the Sultan of Sulu, the latter and the persons with them signed this 
document on the spot, place, day, month and year aforesaid. 

The Sultan of Sulu, — His rubric and stamp, — ^the Governor of Sulu, Carlos 
Martinez, — ^Mohammed Harun ar-Rashid, — the Commander of the Naval Station, 
Francisco Fernandez de Alarcon y Garcfa, — Mohammed Zaynul *Abidin, — Mo- 
hummed Badarud Din, — Mohammed Pula, — interpreters, Ale jo Alvarez, Pe<lro 

I, Don Domingo Moriones y Murillo, Lieutenant-General of the National Army, 
Marquis de Oroquieta, Knight Grand Cross of the Royal and Military Order of 
San Hermenegildo, of the Royal and Distinguished Order of Carlos III, of that 
of Military Merit, Red apd White, and many others for feats of arms, Governor 


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TREATY OF JULY, 1878 229 

and Captain-General of the Philippine Islands, etc., etc., in the name of His 
Majesty the King of Spain, Alfonso XII, whom God keep, do confirm and ratify 
the above act of pacification and capitulation, in all its parts. 

Manila, August 15, 1878. — Domingo Moriones. — ^True copy. — Tomas Aguirre 
de Mena. 

Translation of the Sulu Text of the Treaty of 1878 

This document is intended to confirm the treaty which was agreed upon by 
Padukka Afahasari Mawlana Sultan Mohammed Jamalul A*lam and all the datus 
and chiefs of Sulu. These statements which we make shall be sent to His 
Majesty, the King of Spain, Don Alfonso XII, through His Excellency the Grov- 
emor-General of the Philippines. All the country that the Sultan rules shall 
obey the orders of the King of Spain. 

This in Likup, in the palace of Padukka Mahasari Mawlana Sultan Mohammed 
Jamalul A*lam, on Monday the 22nd of July, 1878 A. D., or the 23rd of Rajab, 
1295 A. H. 

There met the Politico-Military (Governor of Sulu, SeiXor Don Carlos Martinez 
y Romero, Colonel of Infantry; and the Commander of the Naval Station of 
Sulu, Colonel of Marine Infantry and Frigate Captain, Sefior Don Francisco 
Fernandez de Alarcon y Garcia and Sefior Captain Alejo Alvarez, and Sefior 
Don Pedro Ortuoste y Garcfa, the representatives of His Excellency the Governor- 
General of the Philippines. 

Also present: Padukka Mahasari Mawlana Sultan Mohanuned Jamalul A^am 
of Sulu, and Padukka Datu Mohammed Badarud Din, and Padukka Datu Raja 
Lawut Mohammed Zaynul 'Abidin, and Padukka Datu Muluk Bandarasa Moham- 
med Pula, and Padukka Datu Mohammed Harun ar-Rashid who are properly 
obeyed by all their subjects. 

The object of the meeting was to read, confirm, and sign the agreement 
presented by Padukka Mahasari Mawlana Sultan Mohammed Jamalul A'lam and 
all the datus, to His Excellency the Governor-General, on the 22nd day of Safar, 
1295 A. H., or the 24th of February, 1878 A. D., which was approved by His 
Majesty the King of Spain, Alfonso XII, on the 3rd day of May, of this year, or 
the 2nd of Jamadil-Awal. 

The following is the copy of the statements that were read: 

This is the treaty of Spain with the Sultan and Datus of Sulu whioh was 
sent to His Majesty the King of Spain, Don Alfonso XII, through His Excellency 
the Governor-General of the Philippines. 

Article I. All the people of Sulu and its Archipelago shall obey only the 
King of Spain, Alfonso XI 1, or whosoever shall succeed him. This being our 
wish, we will not change or turn away to any other nation. 

Article II. The Spanish Government shall pay the Sultan an annual salary 
of 2,400 pesos, Mexican currency, and Padukka Datu Raja Muda Mohammed 
Badarud Din 700 pesos. It shall also pay 600 pesos to each of the three following 
datus, namely: Padukka Datu Raja Lawut Mohammed Zaynul *Abidin, Padukka 
Datu Muluk Bandarasa Mohammed Pula, and Padukka Datu Mohammed Harun 
ar-Rashid; this is to compensate them for the losses they suffered. 

Article III. The Spanish Government may occupy any place it chooses along 
the northern coast of the island, from Sinungan to Bwal and as far as Kadung- 
dung, but the southern coast of the island from Kadungdung to Sinungan shall 
be left for the Sultan; on condition, however, that it may be occupied by the 
Spanish Government in case of trouble with foreigners, at any future time. In 
case the plantations or fields of the people are appropriated for such occupation, 
they shall be compensated for. Houses, however, shall not be removed. 


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Article IV. The Sultan shall have the right to collect duties from all foreign 
merchants and ships of whatever nationality they may be, in case they come to 
our ports; but we have no right to collect duties from them when they come to 
ports occupied by the Spanish Government. 

Article V. In case of disagreement between us and the governor of Sulu, or 
the commanders of war-ships, the Sultan shall have the right to communicate 
with the Captain-General direct. 

Article VI. All the people of Sulu can, if they choose, use muzzle-loading 
rifles and lantaka} They will, however, be required to present a certificate from 
two or three free people, of good reputation, to the effect that they (who use 
the firearms) are good and well-behaving people and that they do not use such 
arms for mischief. Under such conditions the Sultan may give a license. 

Article VII. The Sultan has the right to give passports to Sulus wishing 
to travel for commercial purposes to whatever place they may go, on condition 
that they pass by Jolo to inform the Spanish governor of their destination. In 
case those of noble birth or the datus do not stop at Jolo, the Sultan himself 
shall inform the Governor, for they, as a rule, have the former's consent to 

Article VIII. We will try to suppress all pirates; but in case we are unable 
to do so we will notify the Governor of their location. But in case we do not 
know where they are, we can not be held responsible for such information. We 
will also aid the Grovernment with as many men as we can afford to bring 
together, and we shall be pleased to give guides who can tell the hiding places of 
such pirates. 

Article IX. Our customs and usages, including our religion, shall not be 
changed. If there is any priest who desires to travel around in this country', 
he ought to inform the Sultan, so that he may send a companion with him; 
but in case he fails to ask permission and travels around without obeying this 
rule and is killed, the Sultan can not be held responsible for such results. The 
same condition shall govern in the case of all Spaniards and soldiers or any 
one else who may desire to live outside of the places agreed upon. 

Article X. We guarantee to deliver all Christians who run away on account 
of crime; so also must the Spaniards treat us Mohammedans in case our servants 
and people run away to them. It would not be right for the Spaniards to hold 
or protect them. 

Article XI. The Sulus and all the Sultan's subjects have the right to trade 
in small or large boats whether they use flags or not; this on condition- that 
they have passes; but in case they like to use a flag they must use the Spanish 
flag. The Sultan shall not use a flag of his own, but that of the King of 
Spain. All other datus and chiefs of the islands, whenever they use any flag, 
must use the Spanish commercial flag. 

Article XII. The Spaniards and the Sultan shall fully observe the articles 
of this agreement which has to be ratified by the Spanish Government. We 
sincerely beg that, whenever there is any disagreement between us and the 
Spanish Governor concerning some crime, careful and proper investigation be 
made, without any undue haste to fight. We have full trust and confidence in 
the Spanish Government and expect that the Spanish Government will have 
similar trust in us. 

Article XIII. It shall not be right to alter the articles of this agreement 
without the mutual consent of both parties. 

Both parties having understood all the articles of this treaty do hereby 
confirm it all and certify to it. Said articles being identical with those which 

^ Moro cannon. 

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TREATY OB^ JULY, 1878 231 

were presented by Padukka Mahasari Mawlana Sultan Mohammed Jaraalul 
A'lam, signed by us in the palace in Likup, on the day mentioned above in this 

I, Don Domingo Moriones y Murillo, Lieutenant-General of tlie National 
Army, Marquis de Oroquieta, Knight Grand Cross of the Royal and ^Military 
Order of San Hermenegildo, of the Royal and Distinguished Order of Carlos III, 
of that of Military Merit, Red and White, and many others for feats of arms, 
Governor and Captain-General of the Philippine Islands, etc., etc., in the name 
of His Majesty the King of Spain, Alfonso XII, whom God keep, do confirm 
and ratify the above act of pacification and capitulation, in all its parts. 

Manila, August 15 y 1878 A. D. 

(18, Sha'ban, 1295 A. H.) 

The status of Sulu as defined by this treaty resembled that of a 
protectorate rather than a dependency. The internal administration of 
Sulu, its customs, laws, and religion were fully respected and were not 
subject to Spanish jurisdiction, confinnation, approval, or interference 
of any sort, except in matters pertaining to regulations for tlie use of 

The foreign political relations of Sulu were made subject to the full 
control of the Philippine Government. This control (or sovereign 
right) was the chief motive for the war and was declared by the treaty 
indisputable. On the strength of this both England and Germany, in 
1885, concluded a treaty with Spain recognizing her full sovereignty 
over the whole Sulu Archipelago, including Balabak and Kagayan Sulu. 
In that same treaty Spain relincjuished all claims to that part of north- 
eastern Borneo formerly ruled by the Sultans of Sulu; this being the 
territory administered by the British Xorth Borneo Company. The 
commercial relations of Sulu with foreign countries were not submitted 
to Spanish supenision or control outside of the territory occupied by 
the garrisons, and the sultan was empowered to collect duties from 
foreign merchants and ships trading with Maymbung, Siasi, and other 
places not occupied by the Philippine Government. 

The treaty on the whole secured for Spain the fruits of her conquest 
and established a stable condition of peace and safety throughout the 
whole Archipelago and in the neighboring southern seas. Foreign in- 
terference ceased, commerce revived, and trading routes Avere resumed 
without danger or risk. 

Governor Martinez had a brillant term of service marked by important 
results and excellent public improvements. He began the titanic labor 
of filling the swamps and brought the town of Jolo to its present level. 
He laid out its streets, plazas, parks, and trees, finished the tower of the 
Queen (blockhouse No. 2), and constructed the blwkhouse of the playa 
at Tulay, the military hospital, the light-house and various bridges. A 
great part of this work w^as done by prison labor, 400 prisoners having 
been transferred from Manila to Jolo for this purpose. His administra- 
tion marked the beginning of a period of prosperity to the colony and 


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temporary peace with the Sulus. He reestablished friendly relations with 
the sultan and datus and had success in many undertakings. Early in 
1880 he fell sick and to the regret of all parties left Jolo for Manila. 

Governor Martinez was relieved by Col. Rafael Gonzalez de Rivera, 
the fourth governor of Sulu, on February 3, 1880. Rivera followed in 
the steps of Martinez, but circumstances changed as the sultan's health 
declined, and the sultana's political intrigues divided the state into two 
hostile parties. On March 30 the scouts at the tower of the Queen were 
attacked by a band of Sulus, who killed 2 privates, and wounded 1 ser- 
geant and 6 privates. However, the Sulus were repulsed, losing 12 men 
dead. The sultan, when called upon to punish the transgressors, re- 
sponded promptly, went to Lu'uk and chastised them severely. In De- 
cember of the same year Datu Pula reported some juramentados in the 
suburbs, two of whom were encountered by the troops; one was killed 
and the other fled. 

After the treaty of 1878, Jamalul A^lam established his official residence 
at Maymbung and acted in a dignified and creditable manner. He ob- 
sei-ved the terms of the treaty faithfully until his death. He was intel- 
ligent, vigorous, and willing to learn. He received Spanish and native 
visitors with befitting courtesy and was well respected and endeared him- 
self to everybody who knew him. Following the example of his father, 
he published a code of laws which is said to have been milder than that 
of his predecessors. It is no doubt a modification or a reproduction of 
the code used by Pulalun and Jamalul Kiram I. It was in current use 
in the country at the time of the Spanish evacuation in 1899. 

Jamalul A^am lived an honorable life and kept one wife only for 
the greater part of the time. He repudiated the mother of his eldest 
son, Badarud Din, and loved tenderly Pangian Inchi Jamila, the mother 
of his second, Amirul Kiram. Inchi Jamila was not very beautiful, but 
she was attractive, intelligent, active, and comparatively young. She 
associated with her husband in the administration of affairs and wielded 
considerable influence on the chiefs and council of state. She was very 
generous and entertaining, and won the respect of the majority of the 
datus. Wishing to secure the sultanate for her sou, Amirul Kiram, she 
attempted to alienate Badarud Din from his father and used her influence 
on the council to that end. Intrigues followed and the state divided into 
two factions, partisans of Amirul Kiram and Pangian Inchi Jamila and 
partisans of Badarud Din, the rightful heir. Jamalul A^am managed af- 
fairs with a strong hand and kept all parties united, but early in. 1881 
his health began to decline rapidly and his favorite wife meddled all the 
more with the affairs of the state. The knowledge of her schemes soon 
spread, and as it became known that Jamalul A'lam was actually failing, 
disorder arose and a condition bordering on anarchy prevailed. On the 
22d of February armed Sulus attempted to force the gates of Jolo, but 


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they were repulsed and most of them were killed. The sultan grew worse 
and disturbances increased. The front of the plaza of Jolo became an 
arena of war, several attacks were made on the town, and conditions be- 
came so bad that Rivera requested reenforcements from the Governor- 
General and permission to take the field against the hostile parties. The 
request was forwarded through the governor of Mindanao, who indorsed 
the communication, recommending that he be empowered to decide 
whether reenforcements were needed or not, and in case they were needed, 
to lead the troops himself. This being granted, the governor of Mindanao 
came to Jolo, reported unfavorably; and returned to Zamboanga. 


Jamalul A^lam died April 8, 1881, but before his death he caused 
word to be sent to the governor of Sulu informing him that an attack 
on Jolo was imminent. At 3 a. m. on the 10th, the Sulus issued from 
the woods and made a general attack on the garrison, which resulted in 
failure and in the loss of 103 Sulus, who fell dead in the ditches. 

The garrison of Jolo amounted, at that time, to 27 officers and 753 
men. All that Colonel Rivera could do was to protect the plaza and 
keep himself well informed about matters in general. • On April 14, 
Panglima Adak brought letters from Inchi Jamila relating to the 
succession to the sultanate. She announced that the late Sultan directed 
in his will that Amirul Kiram be elected sultan, and she endeavored to 
influence the governor in his favor. Rivera expressed himself in favor 
of Badarud Din, declaring this to be the only course he could take in 
conformity with the terms and intentions of the treaty. This put a 
quietus on the cause of dissension and the council of datus voted unan- 
imously in favor of Badarud Din II, who had just completed his 
nineteenth year. 

In the meantime, disturbances in Sulu had caused some alarm at 
Manila and prompt action was taken by the General Government. Brig- 
adier-General La Corte, who was intending to inspect the fortifications 
of the south, was directed temporarily to assume command of the gov- 
ernment of Mindanao and personally to conduct what operations it 
might be necessary to undertake on the Island of Sulu. La Corte came 
by the way of Cebu and Zamboanga and brought the Sixth Regiment of 
Infantry from Cebu and two companies of the Second Regiment of 
Infantry from Zamboanga. Soon after his arrival at Jolo, he addressed 
a strong letter to Sultan Badarud Din requesting the punishment of the 
Sulus who attacked the Plaza of Jolo on April 10. Badarud Din 
responded promptly and commissioned Datu Pula to go to Lu'uk and 
Taglibi and punish the transgressors. This, however, was not carried 
out, for Panglima Sakandar of Lu'uk, who was loyal to the Sultan, 
placed himself at tlie service of Badarud Din and promised to bring the 


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aggressors alive or dead. The Sultan's forces attacked the rancheria 
of Maharaja Abdulla, the chief aggressor, and killed nine men and one 
datu. The maharaja and the chiefs of seven other rancherias of Lu'uk 
then surrendered themselves and swore allegiance to Spain. The sultan 
and the chief datus later presented themselves before General La Corte 
and reaflfirmed their fealty to the Spanish Government. The Governor- 
General subsequently wrote a letter to the Sultan, expressmg his pleasure 
and recognizing the sincere efforts of the latter to reestablish peace and 

In June, 1881, General La Corte authorized the construction of the 
loopholed wall with towers and embrasures to complete the defenses of 
the town. He recommended frequent reconnaissances of the interior 
and target practice for the forces of the garrison, and advised the 
governor to strengthen the hand of the Sultan and to require from 
him at the same time strict enforcement of all obligations that tended to 
prove the loyalty of his people to the Spanish Government. General 
La Corte left Jolo on the 29th of June, taking back the troops of the 
Second Regiment of Infantry to Zamboanga. 

Governor Rivera was relieved on ^NTovember 15, 1881, by Col. Isidro 
Gutierrez Soto. The new governor exhibited unusual coolness and 
personal courage. He visited Maymbung without military escort and 
attempted in every way to strengthen his friendship with the Sultan and 
datus and to encourage them to have similar confidence in the Spanish 
oflScials; but dissensions among the Sulus and the jealousy of Pangian 
Inchi Jamila frustrated all his effoi-ts. Without opposition Badarud 
Din might have ruled fairly well, but the plotting of Inchi Jamila and 
the unfriendliness of her party made a coward of him. He became in- 
consistent and seemed at times to lack confidence in the Spanish Gov- 
ernment. He projected a secret trip to Sandakan and the Spaniards 
notified him that in case he left Sulu without the permission of the 
Goveiimient another sultan would be appointed in his place. 

In January, 1882, Bangao was occupied by troops, and part of the 
southern squadron wa« stationed there. In May Siasi was similarly 
garrisoned. On April 29, 1882, Governor Soto became ill and left for 
Manila. He was relieved temporarily by Brig.-Gen. Jose Paulin, who 
was on a tour of inspection in the south and had come to Jolo to conduct 
some official negotiations with the sultan. 

On the 2d of June, Col. Eduardo Fernandez Bremon took office as 
governor of Sulu. Soon after this time Sultan Badarud Din left Jolo 
on a pilgrimage to Mecca and delegated his authority to Datu Aliyud Din 
in conjunction with the Sultana Inchi Jamila. Governor Bremen's 
command was very eventful and difficult. Cholera came from Singapore 
and overran the whole Archipelago. Disturbances increased, the turbu- 
lent inhabitants of Lu'uk became restless and hostile, and juramentados 


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came so frequently that tliev actually besieged the town. The wall and 
towers and the defensive Barracks of Victory were finished and these 
completely checked the entrance of hoj^tile Sulus into the town. La- 
drones and wandering parties infestcxl the suburbs and hills and com- 
munication with Maynil)ung was broken. In August Governor Bremen 
fell ill and asked to be relieved of his command. In September a gen- 
eral attack on the plaza of Jolo was planned by the Sulus and conditions 
assumed a very serious aspect. For one whole month, it is said, the 
gates of Jolo were not opened. 

The charge of Sulu affairs at this critical stage was intrusted to General 
Paulin, who arrived at Jolo on October 1, accompanied by Col. Julian 
Gonzalez Parrado, who was appointed to relieve Colonel Bremen as gov- 
ernor of Sulu. The Sulu squadron was increased and the garrison of Jolo 
reenforced. General Paulin conducted an expedition to Lu'uk to chastise 
the rancherias of Tu'tu' and Bwal, which were reported to be the chief 
centers of hostility and disturbance on the island. lie first called at 
Maymbung, and pressed upon Datu Aliyud Din and the council the 
necessity of their doing their part toward the punishment of the guilty 
parties, and Datu Aliyud Din at the head of a small force accompanied 
the expedition. Troops were disembarked at Pandang-pandang, Ka- 
dungdung, Tampukan, and Bwal; they burned parts of these rancherias 
and made some advances inland. The fighting was not severe and the 
Sulus harassed the troops to a considerable extent. The navy cooperated 
with the troops, but the expedition was small and accomplished no signifi- 
cant results. 

In his report to the Governor-General, General Paulin recommended 
the repetition of such expeditions in order to impress the Sulus with the 
superiority of Spanish arms and to punish all transgressors. Commenting 
upon the nature of the warfare the expedition experienced he considered 
the natural difficulties attending campaigns in the island as being difficult 
to overcome. The art of war, he said, has no application as against 
Moros. The Sulus, he continued, are either treacherous wild beasts or 
fanatical heroes, according to the sentiment which at the time impels 
them to fight. They are savage warriors who hide in order to attack and 
rise at the feet of the enemy when least expected. They conceal them- 
selves in clumps of trees and cliffs or ditches, and when ready to fight, 
discharge their firearms or throw lances and bolos, while howling and 
dancing frantic war dances. They flee after an attack, but in their 
flight they attack the rear guard. 

Governor Parrado was a man of considerable ability and tact. Con- 
fidence and peace were reestablished, the datus often came to town and 
the people attendwl the market in large numbers. In December, 1882, 
Tata'an, on the northwestern coast of Tawi-tawi, was occupied by troops. 

On his way back from Mecca, Sultan Badarud Din was met at Singa- 
pore by a representative of the Philippine Government, who requested 

71296 9 

[127 J 

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that he return to Jolo by the way of Manila. The sultan declined, 
stating that the recent death of his son made it imperative for him to 
return directly to Ma}Tnbung, but he promised to visit Manila later. 
He reached Sulu in January, 1883. After his arrival he exhibited vigor 
and watchfulness and soon prepared to go to Manila. This project 
seemed to excite unusual disturbance, bordering on panic at Parang and 
Lu'uk, and for fear of undesirable consequences he changed his mind 
and gave up the trip. 

By his pilgrimage to Mecca, which was the first ever taken by a Sultan 
of Sulu, Badarud Din gained respect and influence, but no sagacity. 
Desiring to strengthen his authority and to imitate the European nations 
by organizing a police force for the sultanate, he brought 2 Egyptian 
officers and 30 Sikhs from Singapore and made arrangements with an 
English house in Singapore for the purchase of 200 breech-loading rifles. 
The rifles caused the Spanish Government some anxiety, but tliorough 
investigation and inquiry proved that they never went beyond Labuan. 
The Sikhs were not paid for two months after arrival at Maymbung and 
left the service at once. Such organization meant a first step toward 
reform, but Badarud Din had no education worthy of the name and 
lacked the requisite ability, strength, and character for carrying on such 
measures. Soon he acquired the opium habit and methods of licentious 
living. He finally lost his hold on affairs in general. 

Datu Aliyud Din removed to Matanda, where a large house was built 
for him by the governor of Sulu ; and a village of 400 people soon arose 
around his residence. The blockhouse of Jovellar was then built near 
the beach for liis protection and help. 

So far the governor of Sulu addressed the sultan as his son, the sultan 
addressed tlie governor as his father and relations were friendly and 
pleasant. But in June, 1883, three juramentados slipped into the post, 
killed two officers and wounded one officer and two soldiei^s before they 
could be dispatched. Governor Parrado addressed a strong letter to the 
sultan requc^sting the immediate and proper punishment of the district 
from which the juramentados came. The sultan neither responded nor 
did he send information relative to the place from which the juramentados 
came. Governor Parrado then took matters into his own hand, made an 
expedition to Taglibi and chai^tised its chief Sahibud Din. Soon after, 
two soldiers were killed in the vicinity of Jolo while cutting bamboo and 
another expedition was undertaken to Buhanginan to punish the mur- 
derers. An expedition was also made to South Ubian, where the pirate 
Panglima Jami was reported to have taken refuge. Jami was not found 
at this place, but the local chiefs burned Jami's kuta and house and 
promised to deliver him to the government when he returned to Ubian. 

Governor Parrado proved liimself an efficient and able administrator. 
He recognized the absurdity of a policy of extermination, and felt con- 
scious of the lack of a uniform, well-planned and settled policy on the 


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part of the General Government toward Sulu. He realized that the 
Moros possessed a form of civilization and could not be treated like 
savages. He used his influence for good in times of peace and employed 
his forces to reestablish peace with justice in times of hostility. He was 
strong and sagacious in most of the measures he undertook. 

Datu Pula, a strong chief worthy of trust and a man of prestige, 
died before the expiration of the year 1883. Pula^s influence always 
tended toward peace with Spain and the support of Badarud Din against 
his rival. His death was consequently a loss to both sides. The sultan 
and the governor continued on good terms of friendship during January 
and February, 1884, and the affairs of Sulu were conducted smoothly 
and peacefully, but on the 22d of February, 1884, Badarud Din died; the 
state was soon rent by dissension and another period of trouble and 
disturbance followed. 


The question of a successor to Sultan Badarud Din II proved to be 
very vexatious, both to the Sulus and to the Spanish Government. At 
that date the eligibles to the sultanate belonged to three houses — that of 
Sultan Jamalul Kiram I, the house of Sultan Shakirul Lah, and that 
of Datu Putimg, the son of Sultan Alimud Din I. These houses were 
represented by the three candidates, Eaja Muda Amirul Kiram, Datu 
Aliyud Din, and Datu Ilanin ar-Rashid. 

Amirul Kiram was the oldest brother of the three sons of Sultan Ja- 
malul A^am from Pangian Inchi Jamila. He was born on the 27th 
of March, 1868, and was at one time the rival of Badarud Din II, his 
older brother. The sultanate remained in the line of Jamalul Kiram 
I for four consecutive generations and the majority of Sulus had come 
to consider the sons of Jamalul A'lam as the direct heirs to the throne. 
The influence of Pangian Inchi Jamila was a strong factor in itself and 
tlie claims of Raja Muda Amirul Kiram were vigorously pressed upon 
the council of state. 

Datu Aliyud Din was the son of Datu Israel, the son of Sultan 
Shakirul Lah. He urged that the descendants of Sultan Shakirul Lah 
had an equal right to the sultanate with the descendants of Jamalul 
Kiram I, and protested against the injustice of electing a minor in 
preference to older and maturer members of the family. 

Datu Harun ar-Rashid had no sultan in his line for five generations 
and consequently did not press his claim to the succession. He was a 
cousin of Pangian Inchi Jamila and a close friend of Jamalul A^lam. He 
was the only living signer of the treaty of 1878, but since that date 
he had removed to Palawan, where the Spanish Government intrusted 
him with the rule of the Moro population of Palawan, Balabak, and 


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the neighboring southern islands, and where he had rendered very 
creditable service. 

Datu Aliyud Din and his party were so determined in their opposition 
to Pangian Inchi Jamila and Kaja Muda Aniinil Kiram that they would 
not entertain any proposals of compromise or attend the council of state 
at Maymbung. The country was agitated and all datus and subordinate 
chiefs took sides with one or the other of the two candidates. The major- 
ity of datus and chiefs were in favor of Amirul Kiram. Datus Pula-pula, 
Uyung, Marachak, Kalbi, and Julkarnayn, who were as a rule united, 
and who wielded the strongest authority on the island next to that of 
the sultan, remained almost neutral, but at heart indorsed the claim of 
Aliyud Din. In general the southern and greater half of the island 
supported Amirul Kiram of Mapnbung, while the northern half favored 
Aliyud Din, who had in the meantime moved his residence to Patikul. 

Governor Parrado offered his good offices and tried to overcome the 
difficulty by suggesting that Amirul Kiram be elected sultan, but that 
Aliyud Din should act as regent during the minority of the former. 
He went so far as to name a new and general coimcil of state to meet 
at Maymbung and decide the question. He submitted this proposition 
to both parties threatening to leave them to their fate in case they did 
not comply with his advice. The Maymbung party accepted the gov- 
ernor's proposition, but the Patikul party did not; consequently both 
candidates were proclaimed sultans, one at Patikul and one at Maymbung, 
and both prepared to fight. Ambuscades, skirmishes, surprises, robberies, 
and cattle stealing followed. Governor Parrado remained neutral until 
July when he made friendly visits to Maymbung and Patikul and again 
counseled concord and compromise. Datu Harun arrived in Sulu on 
the 17th of November and both parties solicited his support and con- 
sulted him; but he failed to effect any agreement. A little later he 
accompanied the governor of Sulu to Manila where he received much 
attention because of the success that attended his services at Palawan. 
He remained in Manila about one month and returned to live at Matanda, 
filled with a strong desire to better himself and his country. A year 
passed and no agreement could be reached, nor did the Spanish Govern- 
ment officially recognize any of the claimants. Amirul Kiram indulged 
in licentiousness and Aliyud Din took to opium. 

Governor Parrado during his administration completed the Cuartel 
de Espana and the market building and improved the forts Alfonso XII 
and the Princess of Asturias. The majority of the nipa houses were 
replaced by better structures of brick with iron roofs. A system of water- 
works was put in and Jolo was declared an open port. On July 23, 1885, 
Parrado was succeeded by Col. Francisco Castilla. 

Governor (.^astilla followed the policy of his predecessor and remained 
neutral. Amirul Kiram had in the meantime massed a large force and 


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attacked Aliyud Din. The latter^s party had weakened and only 800 
remained to defend Patikul and its kuta. The Maymbung forces greatly 
outnumbered their adversaries, defeated them, destroyed the kuta, and 
burned the settlement. Datu Ali3rud Din fled to Basilan and lived for 
a while with Sharif Aqil. Raja Muda Amirul Kiram then requested 
the Spanish Government to recognize "his succession to the sultanate and 
a commission was sent from Manila to investigate the matter and report 
on it. After five months' service as governor of Sulu Colonel Castilla" 
asked to be relieved at the end of the year and Col. Juan Arolas 
succeeded him in January, 1886. 

Governor Arolas devoted himself to his work with imusual enthusiasm 
and exemplary energy. Public works and sanitation received his best 
attention. Trees were planted, the streets were improved, the gutters 
and sewers were repaired and renewed, and the town was kept thoroughly 
clean. The death list of the garrison was reduced from 102 in 1885 
to 51 in 1886. A good road was constructed outside the wall and a 
beautiful street was extended from the southern gate of the town to 
Tulay and Asturias on both sides of which coconut and shade trees were 
planted. The streets of Tulay were planned on the same scale as those 
of the walled town, and fillings on a large scale were commenced for 
this purpose. Excellent waterworks were completed and iron pipes were 
laid throughout the walled town and Tulay for the use of the garrison 
and the public. 

As a result of the report of the commission appointed to investigate 
Sulu affairs and the subject of succession to the sultanate, directions 
were received from Madrid and Manila to the effect that Datu Harim 
should be appointed subsultan and Amirul Kiram sultan, and that 
both be requested to go to Manila, take the oath of fidelity to Spain, 
and be invested with authority by the Governor-General. Datu Harun 
had made himself very agreeable to Governors Parrado and Castilla and 
a strong friendship had grown up between them. Arolas soon learned 
to like Harun and trusted him. Amirul Kiram was then 18 years old 
and his age probably suggested the necessity of having a regent who 
would be competent to take charge of affairs and who would be favor- 
able to the policy of the Spanish Government. The wish and opinion 
of the Sulu nation and the desire of the ambitious sultana to be regent 
herself were not fully respected and could not be approved, and the 
dictates of the Spanish Government had to be complied with. Harun, 
as might have been expected, obeyed the royal directions. Amirul Kiram 
refused to go to Manila, considered it a humiliation for him to have 
a regent and to be compelled to visit Manila for the approval of the 
Spanish Government. He felt that he was the rightful heir and the 
choice of the Sulus and that the treaty of 1878 well guarded his rights 
and granted the Sulus the full privilege of electing their chiefs. The 


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Sulu charaxjter asserted itself in his action and the nation stood by him 
and counseled noncompliance to directions prejudicial to their own 
rights and national honor. 


Datu Harun went to Manila alone and Governor Arolas recommended 
his appointment as sultan. Governor-General Terrero cabled to Madrid 
and obtained authority for this action on September 11, 1886'. Harun 
was officially announced in Manila as Sultan of Sulu, and his appointment 
on the 24th of September was made the occasion of some formality. 

Sultan Hanin placed his hands upon the Quran, his Minister Sheikh Mustafa 
bin Ahmad officiating, and his high Excellency the Governor-General adminis- 
tered to him the oath in the following form: "Do ye swear to uphold stead- 
fastly all the stipulations covenanted in the capitulations and to give faithful 
obedience to His Majesty, the King?" To this Sultan Harun answered: "I swear 
to comply with the terms of the capitulations and with the commands of His 
Majesty, the King." And His Excellency replied: "May God and men help ye 
if ye do this and if ye do not, then may God and the Government punish you!" 

Sultan Harun arrived at Jolo in October, and, escorted by 200 Spanish 
soldiers, one gunboat, and one steam launch, he proceeded to Parang 
where he expected the Sulus to declare their allegiance to him. However, 
their reception was not as warm as he expected and he soon found it to 
his advantage to retire to Jolo. The Sulu chiefs appealed to arms and 
prepared to defend the rights of Amirul Kiram at the cost of their lives. 
Desiring to support his nominee in the sultanate Governor Arolas visited 
Parang in company with Sultan Harun on the 2d day of November and 
an additional number of chiefs, including Panglima Damang, swore 
allegiance to Sultan Harun. 

Such measures aroused the activity of Amirul Kiram and his party 
and several places in Parang were attacked by the Maymbung forces and 
considerable unrest prevailed. Harun^s sultanate seemed unacceptable 
to the great majority of datus, and hostilities arose in many localities. 
Murders and juramentado attacks occurred in the vicinity of Jolo. The 
Jcuta of Bwisan and Timahu were attacked and reduced, the settlements 
burned, and much blood was shed. Hostilities extended to Siasi and the 
kuta of Datu Hiyang was attacked. In February, 1887, a force of 3,000 
Sulus started from Maymbung and attacked Jolo. The garrison repulsed 
the attack, but jurameniados and hostile bands harassed the town. Small 
expeditions reconnoitered Tapul, Lugus, and Siasi ; but no active meas- 
ures could be taken against Maymbung until reenforcements could arrive 
from Zamboanga and Kotabato. 

At that time General Terrero headed a campaign in the upper Min- 
danao Valley against Datu Utu and forces were drawn from Zamboanga 
and Jolo to cooperate at Kotabato. With the return of the troops in 
April the war vessels which operated on the Mindanao River also came to 


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Jolo and Governor Arolas began preparations at once to fight Amirul 
Kiram who was strongly intrenched in Maymbung. The gunboats, 
some marines, and Sultan Harun's small force attacked the settlement by 
sea. Governor Arolas led the land troops himself and marched against 
Maymbung at night. The Moros of the interior harassed the advancing 
troops from all sides, but everything that could be reached was burned 
and more than 40 Sulus were disabled or killed before the fort of Maym- 
bung was reached. The latter was a square 75 meters on each side, built 
partly on land and partly in the water. The walls on the land side were 
constructed of coral rock, while those toward the sea were built of double 
rows of piles filled behind with stone and earth. Large cannon and 
breech-loading rifles were abundantly used by the Sulus and one rapid- 
firing gun commanded the main approach on the^ land side. The fighting 
was fierce and heroic on both sides. Out of a large force of Sulus 
defending the fort and town 250 lay dead after the battle was over. Tlie 
Spaniards lost 17 dead, and 96 wounded. The sea forces, after caring for 
the Chinese population, set fire to the whole town and reduced it to ashes. 
Governor Arolas was highly praised in Manila and Madrid and was later 
promoted to be a brigadier-general. 

If military operations, war, and death are efficient and suitable 
measures to daunt the Sulus, coerce their will, and make them yield to 
superior authority, this Maymbung campaign should certainly have pro- 
duced the desired result. Many thought that the moral effect of this 
victory was excellent beyond measure and for that reason entertained 
great hopes. Governor Arolas felt the cause of Spanish sovereignty and 
suzerainty to be amply vindicated and Spanish honor strongly and 
proudly upheld, but as early as the 9th of May another fight stared him 
in the face. Arolas and Sultan Harun had to march against Parang and 
invest the kuta of Panglima Damang. After the surrender of Damang 
an expedition was sent to Lati and another to Tapul Island. This latter 
campaign was extremely difficult and trying. The country was rough, 
the forest thick, and the enemy fierce. Panglima Sayadi would not 
recognize Harun's sultanate and would not obey the mandates of the 
governor of Sulu, so his chastisement was decreed and Tapul was attacked. 
Sayadi and his men fought like tigers at bay, and Governor Arolas was 
compelled to lead his troops in person. Sayadi was defeated after two 
days' fighting, 90 of his men were killed, and the fort was demolished. 
The Spanish casualties were 13 dead and 155 wounded. Sultan Harun 
reconnoitered the shores and interior of the island, destroyed small forts, 
and obtained the surrender of several chiefs. 

On the 29th of July, 1887, Pangian Inchi Jamila presented herself 
at Jolo and expressed her submission and that of Eaja Muda Amirul 
Kiram to the governor of Sulu and to Sultan Harun. Governor Arolas 
insisted that Amirul. Kiram should come personally and express his 


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surrender, and allowed him ten days in which he could come with safety 
and impimity. After her return Pangian Inchi Jamila sent Sultan 
Harun the seal of the sultanate; but neither the chiefs nor Amirul 
Kiram himself agreed to the personal surrender requested. Governor 
Arolas was disposed to make Spanish sovereignty over Sulu a fact, 
absolute and complete, and required implicit obedience. The Sulus had 
a different view of the respective rights of the two governments and 
continued their resistance. Another campaign was necessary on Siasi 
Island, and Datu Hiyang and many Moros were killed. 

Another expedition was directed against Kadungdung and southern 
Lu'uk and another against the Island of Fata. Innumerable hardships 
were sustained by the troops and many Sulus were killed. Sultan Harun 
and his forces cooperated with the Spanish forces and reconnoitered 
inaccessible places. The partisans of the young Eaja Muda Amirul 
Kiram were supposed to have been completely vanquished and the young 
prince was expected to himiiliate himself before Sultan Harun at any 
time. Such hopes were, however, false, for on October 30 Bwal and the 
northern Lu'uk district had to be punished. After some fighting the 
Sulus evacuated Bwal and fled to the moimtains and 53 houses were 
reduced to ashes; nor was this suflScient, for in 1888 expeditions amount- 
ing in some cases to 1,500 troops, comprising from two to four com- 
panies of artillery, were conducted against Purul, Tambang, Patikul, 
Taglibi, Buhanginan, Pandan, Sari^ul, and Pigi-Dahu. Hundreds and 
probably thousands of Sulus were killed, but notwithstanding, Arolas's 
cruel efforts to force Sultan Harun upon the people resulted in failure. 
The Sulus scorned Sultan Harun and his apparent supremacy, persisted 
in their resistance, and kept their allegiance to Amirul Kiram. True 
to their traditions they remained faithful to the candidate whose right 
to the succession was in tlieir estimation and conviction stronger than 
any other claim backed by the forces of General Arolas. 

Before the end of the year 1886 Datu Uyimg invited Datu Aliyud Din 
back to Patikul, where he remained for about one year. Datus Kalbi 
and Julkamayn joined the party of Aliyud Din and defended him 
against Amirul Kiram and Sultan Harun. 

In 1887 Patikul and Lati were attacked by Governor Arolas and 
Datu Aliyud Din fled to Siasi and Laminusa, from there he returned, 
late in 1888, to Bunbun and Patikul; there he lived quietly until his 
death, about 1892. 

The administration of Governor Arolas was the longest in duration, 
the most eventful, the most interesting, and the most warlike administra- 
tion Sulu had under Spanish rule. The difficult situation the governor 
found at his arrival, his misunderstanding of the Sulu character and 
underestimation of Sulu public opinion, his integrity, his exalted opinion 
of Spanish sovereignty and honor, his disregard of treaties and precedent, 


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his ability as a commander of troops, and his warlike policy, all combine 
to make a picture vivid in its colors and \mique in its make-up. Gov- 
ernor Arolas can not be held responsible for v^hat had transpired prior 
to his appointment as governor, and the policy he followed was probably 
dictated for him in general from Manila; but it is difi&cult to conceive 
of a man executing his duty with such vigor, earnestness, and thorough- 
ness as General Arolas did, unless his heart and soul approved of such a 
policy and added enthusiasm and zest to the impetus of duty. Further- 
more, there are many reasons for believing that Governor Arolas recom- 
mended the main lines of the policy he pursued. At all events he im- 
personates, as far as the object of this work is concerned, that combined 
agency of government which is responsible for the significant events of 
his administration of Sulu affairs. In commenting upon his policy 
it would therefore be proper to refer to him personally, without the least 
intention of fixing the blame on anybody, or indeed of finding fault at 
all, but with the sole intention of eliciting the facts and showing the 
actual condition of affairs in their proper light. 

In going over the long list of expeditions and campaigns conducted by 
General Arolas and of the casualties on both sides, one can not help 
but express admiration, surprise, or blame as to the justice or advisability 
of the policy pursued, its motives, conduct, and effect. For, if the 
treaty of 1878 was still in force — and there is no reason to suppose that 
it was abrogated — why did Governor Arolas institute new rules and 
conditions pertaining to the sultanate and render compliance with them 
necessary for qualification and confirmation? If by virtue of the 
prerogative of sovereignty it was deemed necessary to interfere with 
Sulu internal affairs and customs for a beneficial and good purpose, 
why was it not right then to oppose and check Datu Aliyud Din as soon 
as it became evident that the majority of the Sulus wanted Amirul 
Kiram as sultan and Aliyud Din had refused to honor the governor's 
proposals and. recommendations? Why was it not considered right for 
the Government to object to war between the contending parties from 
the beginning and to assume for itself all the powers and prerogatives of 
a protector or arbitrator? If the good of the Sulus was the ultimate 
object sought, why was not the rightful heir supported from the begin- 
ning and advantage taken of such an opportunity to enlist the sympathy 
of one party, at least, on the side of the Government, strengthen the 
weak head of the nation, and bring order and tranquillity out of chaos 
and anarchy? 

Apparently the worthy cause of peace and Sulu welfare were completely 
overlooked, while the main object of asserting power and gaining su- 
premacy was pressed and prosecuted at the expense of a thousand souls 
and war with every strong chief throughout the whole Archipelago. Gov- 
ernor Arolas trampled on the treaty, assumed arbitrary and absolute 


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authority, and treated noncompliance with his wishes as disloyalty and 
insurrection. This attitude might have been due to his peculiar military 
training and ideas, but it was certainly unjust and overbearing. Na- 
tions can not be trampled under foot without bringing about resentment 
and retaliation and people can not be treated as privates in a company of 
disciplinarios or deportados. The result of such coercion is hatred, and 
the effect of abuse is enmity. Such methods do not tend to civilize a 
country or better its chances of progress. They kill ambition, harden the 
heart, and dull the senses. The first step toward the progress of a 
subordinate nation is imitation of its superior ; but imitation is generally 
engendered by admiration and kindly influences, and cruel warlike 
measures are certainly disposed to kill such good agencies. 

Sulu military operations ceased soon after the arrival of Governor- 
General Weyler in Manila, and some of the Jolo forces were withdrawn. 

General Arolas left Jolo in 1893 and was succeeded by Col. Cesar 
Mattos, who was in turn followed by Gen. Venancio Hernandez before the 
end of the same year. The successors of General Arolas did not have sim- 
ilar motives for upholding Harun's sultanate against overwhelming odds. 
They saw in him a weak and vacillating sultan who was a burden 
to the state. Consequently Sultan Harun was relieved in 1894, and he 
returned to his home in Palawan. During his incumbency Sultan Harun 
lived at Mubu in the vicinity of Jolo. The house he occupied was the 
best building ever occupied by a Sulu sultan. He was ambitious and 
willing to reform his people, but he never had a strong following and 
was very unfortunate in that he had to fight so hard and so often for a 
nominal allegiance and false support from his people. 


Raja Muda Amirul Kiram, who fought and suffered so long for the 
throne of his father and brother, succeeded Sultan Hainin and assumed 
the name of Sultan Jamalul Kiram II. He was not obliged to go to 
Manila in order to be vested with proper authority by the Governor- 
General, but it seems that he pledged himself in one way or another to 
pay some tribute to the Spanish Government, and consequently a decree 
was issued by Governor- General Blanco on March 1, 1894, directing a 
general census of the Moros of the Sulu Archipelago and the collection of 
a tax of 1 real ^ from each individual. The proceeds of this tribute, 
after deducting the allowances made for the interpreters and collectors, 
were to be devoted to the development of the institutions of Jolo, and 
especially to the construction of roads. It is said that the sultan was 
unable and unwilling to collect the tribute so decreed, but that he paid 
from his own purse the sum of ^10,000 or its equivalent on the basis of 
a population of 100,000 and at the rate of 1 real per person. The 

I About 5 cents. United States currency. 

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collection of this tax was abandoned in the following year and was never 

The Sulus' adherence to the cause of Jamalul Kiram 11 was not 
based on any personal influence he exerted on the people, but on the 
influenc^of his mother and the people's devotion to the house of Jamalul 
Kiram 1. Datu Aliyud Din's claim was theoretically strong, but for 
various reasons his party weakened; while Amirul Kiram, though a 
fugitive, gradually gained in influence and rose to power. 

The administration of Governor Hernandez was the longest in dura- 
tion next to that of Governor Arolas and was, on the whole, peaceful and 
tranquil. On one occasion in 1895 hostilities broke out with Datus 
Julkarnayn and Kalbi, and the Sulus of Lati and Patikul attacked the 
town of Jolo causing several casualties. However, peace was soon 
restored by Governor-General Blanco and no further hostilities occurred. 
Governor Hernandez built the direct road, known as the Asturias Eoad, 
which leads from the gate of the walled town to Fort Asturias. About 
1897 General Hernandez was relieved by Col. (later Brig.-Gen.) Luis 
Huerta, the last Spanish governor of Sulu. 

Spain evacuated Sulu in May, 1899, and Jolo was garrisoned by Amer- 
ican troops on the same day. On the 20th of August Gen. J. C. Bates 
concluded a treaty with Sultan Jamalul Kiram II, generally known as 
the "Bates Agreement,'' and the sovereignty of Sulu passed from Spain 
to the United States of America.^ 

1 See Appendix XVIII, on regulations relative to taxes and Imports on natives and im- 
migrants in Sulu ; also Appendix XIX, on the protocol of Sulu of 1877 between Spain, 
Germany, and Great Britain ; Appendix XX, on the protocol of Sulu of 1885 between 
Spain, Germany, and Great Britain ; Appendix XXI, decree of the General Government 
in regard to payment of tribute of Sulus ; Appendixes XXII and XXIII, on rights of 
foreigners engaged in pearl fishing in Sulu waters. 


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Chapter VI 



The cause for which Governor Arolas shed the blood of several hundred 
Spanish soldiers and killed some thousands of Moros was utterly defeated. 
The tenacity with which the Sulus resisted Spanish domination, their 
obdurate opposition and bravery in battle, and their obstinate passive 
resistance in peace, baffled all Spanish efforts to subvert their political 
organization or gain a single point of advantage without paying too 
dearly for it. The Sulus succeeded at last in inaugurating their can- 
didate as Sultan of Sulu. Their laws and the administration of their 
internal affairs were not interfered with. Their religion, social con- 
ditions, national usages and customs were unaffected by any change what- 
soever. Spanish influence and jurisdiction did not extend beyond the 
limits of the garrison and no material reform or progress reached the 
Moro community through that channel. No effort was made by Spain to 
educate the Sulus and no adequate measure was proposed by her governors 
which was applicable to the needs of the Sulus and acceptable to their 
ideas. The Sulus felt that there was a strong inclination on the part of 
the Spanish Government or some of its recognized agents to change their 
religion and destroy their national unity, and consequently they never had 
complete confidence in Spanish officers and representatives and repulsed 
every influence that tended to establish close relations between them and 
the Christians of the Spanish garrison. 

No tax or tribute was collected from the Sulus, and their territory was 
exempted from the operation of the laws of the Philippine Islands. 
Sulu imports could come in Sulu craft free of duty and unhampered by 
any vexatious regulation. Duties could be collected by Sulus at all ports 
unoccupied by Spain; and if hostilities conld have been brought to an 
end, the Sulus, in their pursuit of the peaceful vocations of life, might 
have felt no appreciable difficulty or inconvenience from Spanish occupa- 
tion of Jolo, except the loss of the revenues of the ports of Jolo and 
Siasi and some control over the trade of the Chinese. 

Slavery remained an established institution of the land and its con- 
tinued practice among the Moros was neither denounced nor restricted. 
The pearl industr}^^ remained in the hands of tlie Sulus and pearl fishers 
and shell dealers paid a variable tax to the sultan and local chiefs. 


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Piracy was completely suppressed, and the invasion of Christian com- 
munities and the capture of Christians as slaves by Sulus terminated 
at the conquest of Jolo in 1876. 

Before the campaign of 1876 the sultan ruled with a strong hand, lived 
in state, was prosperous and had considerable wealth. The principal 
datus lived at Jolo, and the Sulu forces were united. Jamalul Alam 
remained rich until his death, but subsequent wars and licentiousness 
reduced the estate of his vsons. The separation and dispersion of the 
datus, however, weakened the Sulus more than any other cause. Each 
datu began to feel more or less independent of the other, their jealousies 
increased and became more intense and* effectual ; their forces were dis- 
united, and each chief relied solely upon his own fortifications and 
following. United action was ignored or became impracticable. Soon 
the subordinate chiefs began to feel their importance, gradually asserted 
their rights, and assumed greater dignity and power in proportion to 
their prosperity and the following they could command. Jamalul A*lam 
ruled firmly, had every chief under his control, and held the state intact. 
Three chiefs outside of his house were sufficient to sign the treaty he 
made with Spain. These were Datu HaruU;, Datu Raja Lawut Zaynul 
^Abidin (Asibi), the father of Datus Kalbi and Julkamayn, and Datu 
Muluk Bandarasa Pula, the son of the famous Datu Daniel, and the 
father of the present Datu Pula-pula of Mubu or Tandu. No maharajas 
or hadjis figured prominently in those days, and the panglimas served 
as state messengers. 

As soon as it became known that Jamalul A'lam was dying a condition 
bordering on anarchy arose and disorder prevailed as in the days of 
Badarud Din. Things grew worse during the regency of Datu Aliyud 
Din, and worse still during the civil strife between the latter and liaja 
Muda Amirul Kiram. General Arolas and Sultan Ilarun had to fight 
every chief in his turn and every island by itself. Each chief felt in- 
dependent of the rest of the countr}- and had his own ideas as to who 
should be appointed sultan. Each datu was defended by his own men 
only and each had to meet the Spanish forces by himself unaided. Even 
Maymbung had to face the mighty foe with forces which could be as- 
sembled from the immediate neighborhood only. Small detachments did 
sometimes reenforce the forts of their neighbors, but the proportion of 
help so extended to the actual strength of the forces that could have been 
united was so insignificant that no account can be taken of such coopera- 

Thus the total or combined strength of Sulu was reduced to small, 
insignificant and disunited entities: the power of resistance to outside 
invasion was diminished, but at the same time the susceptibility of the 
country to foreign influence became nil. It was an easy matter for 
General Arolas to defeat one party or chief alone, but the necessity of 


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ATTrri:i)E of the moeos 249 

fighting each chief hy himself defeated his purpose and efforts in the end. 
Unconsciously, Spain brought on an abnormal condition of affairs in 
Sulu, extremely difficult to manage and for which she never found the 
proper remedy. The ruling sultan, though well supported by the greater 
mass of the people, had neither the knowledge, the tact, nor the strength 
necessary to correct the wrong done, and things in general tended rather 
to the worse than to the better. The parties created by the civil strife of 
1884 existed in 1899 with very little change, and their enmity had 
become deeply rooted and ineradicable. The whole northern portion of 
the island east of Jolo and eastern Tandu represented a distinct party 
unfavorable to Jamalul Kiram II and at times seemed to be wholly under 
the leadership of the two brothers, Datus Kalbi and Julkarnayn. Similar 
parties existed in Tapul, Lugus, Siasi, and the Tawi-tawi Group, many 
settlements having two chiefs, one representing the sultan and the other 
the hostile party. To add evil to existing wrong, the chiefs took ad- 
vantage of this condition and vacillated in their alliance from one party 
to another as it seemed to them more advantageous for the time being. 
General Arolas fought both parties, incurred the bitter enmity of all 
chiefs and gained for himself and the cause of prosperity no advantage 
whatsoever. All the Sulus hated Spain at heart and welcomed the end 
of her sovereignty, with the hope of having more peace and better rela- 
tions with her successor. 



The vivid picture presented by the history of Sulu thrills the reader 
with scenes of horror, cruelty, and misdirected energies. On one page 
wo read of how a rich and mighty sovereign stretched his hand across 
the border of his domain into the territory of his weak neighbor and 
coveted his jewels and treasure, and, being refused, struck terror, desola- 
tion, and destruction in the home of the latter. On another page we read 
how, as if possessed by a mighty demon, that weak and petty king-neighbor 
summoned the powers of the wind and sea to his aid, marched upon his 
strong enemy in the night, assailed him while unaware, robbed his house, 
and carried his people away to work for his homely sustenance. The 
mighty sovereign wakens in the morning, and in his rage curses his 
wretched neighbor and swears vengeance upon him and his wicked fellow 
nomads of the sea, but the rich and mighty lord of the north has enemies 
and rivals in the west and far south and does not dare leave his home 
unguarded. Part of his available warriors he thought would be suf- 
ficient, and their valor and patriotism were counted on as an additional 
asset and a sure guaranty of victory. The sails of a gigantic fleet were 
unfurled and chariots and steeds were provided for the triumphal march 
into the enemy's pearl land. But the mighty sea rolled and the furious 


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winds blew and the giant did not prove a match for the weak, for man 
can not go against nat"iire, and valor is a poor aid against overwhelming 
odds. Yet some men's hearts are made of stone and one or two ex- 
periences do not teach them enough; so we see the same scene repeated 
time and time again, until an opportune moment arrived and a new 
chapter was opened in whicli we find the rich sovereign richer and 
mightier. This time nature takes sides with might and turns the 
scales against the weak and petty king of the south and leaves him 
wrecked and stranded on his coral reefs. 

The Sulu is a Malayan of prominent type, reared in his infancy by a 
Brahman priest and brought up to maturity under the care of a Moham- 
medan instructor. He rejected his idols as early as 1450 and had been 
for more than a century prior to the arrival of Legaspi at Cebu, a faithful 
and devoted worshipper of "Allalm Ta^ala,^' the Almighty and only God, 
according to the teaching of the prophet Mohammed and the holy Quran. 
He had laws, an establiv^^hed government, an organized state, an alphabet, 
and a system of education. By trade he was a planter and fisher, and 
both land and sea yielded him plenty. He turned the timber of his rich 
forests into boats and utilized the currents of the sea and the movements 
of the wind. Navigation came natural to him, and he sailed to distant 
lands and traded his pearls for silks and spices. He had a wide range of 
experience, and his knowledge of the world was by no means restricted 
to one island or to one limited group of islands. 

The dominion of the Sultan of Sulu was complete and his power 
was well respected throughout the Archipelago. Between Mindanao and 
Borneo 150,000 people — ^Yakans, Samals, and Sulus — lived and obeyed 
one man. True, the Sulus had no standing army or navy, but they 
had innumerable boats, forts, and firearms, and every able-bodied man 
was a soldier and a sailor, always armed, and always ready for a call 
to arms. His immediate neighbors were pagans, or "infidels," who paid 
him homage and tribute. He was the master of the land and the lord 
of the southern seas. He was chivalrous in his manners and received 
his friends with liberal hospitality; but he wasted no sympathy or 
kindness on his enemy. The enemy of the state was also an enemy to 
"Allahu Ta^ala," and no life was deemed too dear to sacrifice for the 
cause of home and God. It was the idea of his home that started the 
blood rushing through his veins, and religion fittingly fanned the 
flame and heated his blood to the boiling point. There is honor even 
among thieves, and a nation made up of fierce pirates need not go begging 
for dignity, gallantry, and self-pride. Let the Sulu be idolatrous or 
a fire worshiper and lie will "go jnramentado" on the strength of his 
faith in wooden or fire gods before he yields to a master or serves as 
a slave. He will die before he surrenders. Sucli metal is what makes 
the Sulus brave, independent, and unyielding. 


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The Sulus watched the progress of Ijegaspi at Cebu, Panay, and 
Luzon, saw how the pagan chiefs were subjugated, and witnessed the 
expulsion of their brother Mohammedans from Manila. They had played 
this role themselves, and when the enemy reached their shores they 
needed no word of explanation or stimulus to resist, except that which they 
had in their breeding and general make-up. Spain instigated hostilities 
and coveted their domain; it was not their part to yield, but it was 
Spain's clear duty to reestablish peace before the evils resulting from 
war outweighed the good obtained. This she failed to do, and the Sulus 
were invaded repeatedly and harassed constantly. Bitter animosity filled 
the heai'ts of the Sulus, and a desire for revenge prompted them to 
retaliate ; and what can be expected from people of their race and civili- 
zation except cruelty and barbarity in war! We know that "war is 
hell" among highly civilized nations and why should we expect of the 
Sulus a moral conduct out of proportion to their intellectual development 
and the influences of their civilization and religion? The life of an 
"infidel" was not a matter of religious concern to them at all. The 
Prophet himself led his people against nonconformists and promised 
them reward instead of pardon or intercession before God. '^The Quran 
taught them that patriotism is a part of their religion, and love of 
home and family left no place for cowardice and no patience with 
humiliation. They therefore fought well and fought cruelly. They 
raided the enemy's country, robbed him, and carried away many slaves. 
Slavery was also sanctioned by their religion and formed an established 
custom or method of punishment which took the place of imprisonment 
and saved the expense of jails and guards. 

Humanity called for different action on both sides; but it evidently 
made no impression on the Sulus. Not satisfied with just measures of 
war and direct retaliation, they developed an abnormal propensity for 
piracy, invaded the Spanish domain frequently for the procurement of 
slaves and for other wicked purposes, and committed unspeakable horrors 
and atrocities. But to treat evil with evil adds no virtue to the credit 
of the other side. We rarely read of wounded Moros after an engage- 
ment, and, strange to say, all wounds of Moros were invariably immedi- 
ately fatal. If few Moros were ever kindly treated after battle, certainly 
many more were promptly dispatched in a manner that terminated 
suffering and life at the same time. 


Had Spain exerted more effort to increase the Jolo garrison in 1646 
and trusted the charge of this garrison to an able and upright adminis- 
trator, the fruits of the brillant conquest of General Corcuera would not 
have been lost, and in all probability the trouble with Sulu would have 
been ended before the termination of the seventeenth century. However, 

71296 10 


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instead of this course, weak characters were charged with the management 
of affairs, and in place of permanent and strong occupation of the land 
an insignificant treat}' was made with the Sulus with no intention on the 
part of Spain of keeping it permanently and with no hope that it would 
he kept by the Sulus. Similar mistakes were frequently repeated and 
a cruel inhuman strife marked with an astounding profuseness of blood- 
shed and terrible loss of life and evil of all sorts, was prolonged for the 
space of three hundred and twenty years without any advantage that is 
worth considering. 

In consequence of all this, the Sulu has been pictured to the outside 
world as a black devil incarnate, borne in mischief and conceived in 
iniquity; without a human characteristic, barbarous and savage as his 
second cousin the orang-utan of Borneo. The Sulu had no means or 
chance of pleading his cause befoi-e an international court, and his cry 
could not be heard or registered by a foreign hand or press. He was not 
met except with a predetermination to fight him. He was not approached 
except with the intention of sharing his treasure. He was not invited 
except to surrender his right of government and no alternative was offered 
him except tribute or death. It is out of reason to expect such people to 
abandon their customs, traditions, government, and religion without a 
struggle. It is out of reason to expect them to yield to threats and be 
daunted by a bombshell shot from a distance. The jungle is thick and 
extensive, their boats and sails are ready and light ; they know the routes 
of the sea and can follow the currents of the ocean in the dark as well 
as in the light. The coasts of Borneo and the Celebes are not too far 
from them, and living there is as cheap and easy as at home. It is 
beyond reason to expect that all sultans, datus, and panglimas will resign 
their offices, give up their rank and privileges, and be content to plant 
com on the hillside or catch fish along the beach. The laws of nature are 
not ambiguous, and man is man whether his skin is white or brown. 

The chief difficulties Spain had to contend with in the south arose 
out of the natural weakness of her system of administration. Her Gov- 
ernors-General changed frequently. The Moro question received a sec- 
ondary attention, and no definite policy or settled course of action was 
ever systematically worked out and followed. What Corcuera planned 
was not carriexl out by his successors, and measures which were approved 
by General Terrero were disapproved by General Weyler and ignored 
by General Blanco. Had Governor-General Urbiztondo preceded Gov- 
ernor-General Claveria, Jolo might have been attacked and conquered 
before 1851, and had Governor-General Malcampo preceded Governor- 
General Urbiztondo, the garrison of Jolo might have been established 
twenty-five years earlier. 

The policy of Governor Parrado was not followed by Governor Arolas, 
and the plans and pledges of the latter were not fully respected by his 


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successors. Treaties were made to be broken rather than to be obeyed, 
and at the end of three liundred and twenty years of protracted relations 
witli Suln, no satisfactory policy can be said to have been decided upon 
at either Madrid or Manila. Tlie treaty of 1878 was a temporary expe- 
dient. It was not intended to express a policy nor did Spain intend to 
restrict her influence to the provisions of a treaty nor to tie her 'hands 
so fast for any length of time. Spain was intent on the complete con- 
quest of Sulu, tlie assimilation of all the Moro tribes, and the unification 
of government, religion, and civilization throughout the Philippine Ar- 
chipelago. This ideal was the hope of all governors of Sulu and formed 
a concealed motive that prompted their actions and guided their admin- 
istration. The governors of Sulu differed only in their ideas as to the 
length of time which should pass before the Sulus should be denied their 
autonomy, and the methods by wiiich the change could be best brought 
around. There were opportune and inopportime times to interfere, which 
were left for the Governor-General to decide, and in the majority of cases 
his decision was controlled not by the immediate needs of the occasion, 
but by interests pertaining to the general administration of the Archipel- 
ago, which left partial attention and inadequate means available for the 
solution of the vexatious difficulties in the south. Generals who were 
anxious to distinguish themselves, took the first opportunity that offered 
itself, but satisfied themselves with the immediate results of victory or the 
simple correction of the wrong calling for military action, without bearing 
in mind the general situation and the requirements of the next step that 
should be undertaken as part of a course planned for the carrying out of 
a settled general policy. Thus bound to observe the general provisions 
of the treaty of 1878, and limited in the authority granted them from 
Manila and in the strength of the garrison assigned to Jolo, the governors 
of Sulu felt their hands completely tied, and consequently they could 
not accomplish much and left matters to drift with the current of 

During the governorship of General Terrero, Governor Arolas was 
given a free hand and sufficient troops to carry out his plan ; but Atolas 
was not much more than a fighting man and an excellent post com- 
mander, and the evils of his strenuous measui^es outweighed the good 
he accomplished; and when the Jolo garrison was subsequently reduced 
by Governor-General Weyler his policy could not be continued and was 
necessarily doomed to utter failure. 

However, nobody was quicker to note such mistakes and to observe the 
needs of the situation than the Spanish officers themselves, especially 
inspectors-general who were commissioned to investigate matters and 
conditions in Sulu, and historians who made a study of Sulu affairs. 


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Of works of this nature we give brief accounts of the estimable report 
of Baltasar Giraudier, Director of tlie "Diario de Manila/' which was 
presented to the Governor-General, Domingo Moriones, in 1880, and 
the noteworthy remarks and recommendations of the author of "Apuntes 
sobre Jolo," Miguel A. Espina, colonel of infantry. 

Baltasar Giraudier accompanied General Malcampo to Jolo in 1876 
and made special inquiry into the situation in the south. He clearly 
stated that the terms of the treaty of 1851 could not be carried out (to 
advantage). Failure to observe this treaty provoked the sultan and Sulus 
to impatience, resistance, and a rebellious attitude. Referring to the Jolo 
campaign of 1876 he estimated the strength of the attacking army at 
approximately 11,000 troops, and described Jolo as an actual church- 
yard, held in a constant state of siege, and a great cost to the nation in 
men and money. Naked facts, he asserted, did not justify former 
expeditions, and hostilities were often provoked for ulterior motives. 
Considerable harm resulted from such misdirected measures, while much 
good to both nations could have been derived from a policy of attraction, 
frank, loyal, and disinterested. lie called the attention of the author- 
ities to the necessity of a faithful observance of the terms of treaties, in 
order to expect and demand with right and respect a reciprocal observ- 
ance of such treaties by the Moros; to the advisability of honoring and 
strengthening the authority of the sultan in order to secure his good 
will and cooperation in maintaining peace and harmony and in repress- 
ing the evil tendencies of rebellious datus and subchiefs; to the great 
advantages that may arise from reestablishing the salary of the sultan 
and promoting those friendly relations which tend to strengthen the 
Sulu alliance and render this state a stronghold and a protecting wall 
against invasion from foreign countries. He condemned the treaty of 
1878 as limiting the government's freedom of action and checking the 
progress and success of the nation's policy. 

He reiterated that there is great need and necessity of defining the 
policy of the nation relative to Sulu and the Moro country in general. 
Such a grave question should be settled on a firm basis and should not 
be subject to the caprice of an individual governor or commander of a 
war vessel. No opportunity should be allowed for ignorance, malice, 
false pretexts, and ulterior motives that defame the national honor, 
weaken the policy of the government, or work to the detriment of the 
people and the country. He pointed to several incidents of wrong 
conduct or imprudence on the part of officials which provoked trouble 
and war and left on the Moros an impression that the Spaniards were 
acting deceitfully and in bad faith. The general policy he outlined 
for the information of the government and for the uniform conduct of. 


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all' oflBcials was submitted in the form of recommendations, the most 
important of which are briefly noted as follows : 

1. The sultan and datus should be treated with respect and consideration. 

2. Immediate justice and impartiality should be strictly administered and 
practiced in all cases and under all conditions, especially when crime or outrage 
is committed against the Moros; for such action would demonstrate in an impres- 
sive manner an upright conduct which would command the fullest respect of the 
Aloros and obedience to law and order. 

3. It is of the utmost importance that the belief, temples, and cemeteries 
of the people be respected. 

4. The speedy punishment of all Moro misconduct and aggression should be 
secured through the datu or chief. 

5. The fleet should make frequent visits to various islands to familiarize the 
people with the flag, to map the country, and to study conditions in general. 

6. Religion should be fully tolerated in the same manner as in India and 
Java. Proselytism should be prohibited. 

7. The sultan should be invited to live in Jolo; an edifice should be constructed 
for his residence which would increase his dignity in the eyes of his people; and 
he should be given a high office in connection with the government (as secretary) 
which would engender and promote his interest in the government and its 
welfare and secure needed and desirable cooperation between officers and chiefs. 

In conclusion, Giraudier pointed to the wisdom of English and Dutch 
policy in affording education to the sons of native princes and chiefs 
at public expense, to the necessity of large sacrifices at the beginning which 
would be amply compensated for by a general pacification of the Archipel- 
ago in the end. 


Colonel Espina assumed that retrogression was out of the question 
and that the flag which was waving over Sulu must be defended and 
supported. Sulu could not be abandoned to her fate and Spanish sov- 
ereignty had inevitably to be exercised. Extermination of Moros he 
held to be absurd and impossible, and measures so directed he regarded 
as injurious and unwise. He entertained strong hopes, amounting to 
actual conviction, that Moros could become Spanish in political organi- 
zation, sympathy, and civilization, and that their religion did not form 
an obstacle to their reformation and assimilation unless conversion into 
the Christian religion was insisted upon and rigorously kept up. He 
thought that the cause of religion alone was suflScient to prolong the 
war indefinitely and lead the Government to a policy of extermination 
and failure. Instead of that he advised a prudent and tolerant policy 
declaring absolute noninterference with religion and hearty cooperation 
with the Sulus in matters of general concern and public welfare. He 
considered it of great importance to occupy all the principal islands of 
the Archipelago with garrisons and to establish colonies and agricultural 
stations at the most desirable localities and harbors. He wrote at 


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considerable length on the organization of a rural police force to main- 
tain order and carry out the various measures of his policy, lie pointed 
out the advisability of strengthening the authority of the sultan over 
Sulus, of rendering his appointment subject to the approval or choice 
of the Spanish Government, and of selecting a council of state loyal to 
the Spanish Government and serving under salary. The cliief feature^ 
of the policy he outlined are as follows : 

1. The organization of the sultanate should be made or continued in accordance 
with the laws and customs of the country, but in a manner agreeable to the 
interests of the Spanish Government. Rank, order, and religion should not be 
interfered with. , 

2. The sultan and members of the council of state should be appointed by 
the Governor-General and should have salaries. 

3. A new treaty should be made in order to rectify those clauses of the treaty 
of 1878 pertaining to the maintenance of peace and the guarantee of safety of 
life and property. 

4. Slavery should be abolished, radically and thoroughly. 

5. Compulsory tribunals of justice or courts should be established to relieve 
datus and chiefs of the exercise of such functions. 

6. Commerce should be encouraged and rendered free for all boats for a period 
of twenty-five years. 

7. Roads should be constructed to facilitate communication and transportatioh 
from the central region of the island to its principal harbors. 

8. Agriculture should be developed and colonies encouraged. 

9. Necessities should be created for the Moros, providing them at the same 
time with means for satisfying them. Children of the sultan and datus should 
be educated in Manila, and schools for the Moro dialect should be established 
and made accessible to the public. 


A few closing remarks on the purpose and interests of Spain in Sulu 
and the resources she had available for carrying out this purpose may not 
be out of place in order to give the reader a clear idea of the final policy 
which Spain had for Sulu and to enable him to grasp the scope, complex- 
ity, and difficulties of this problem. However, in discussing these subjects 
and the changes they were intended to bring about it must be remembered 
that every project on the part of the sovereign nation or Spain calls 
for consideration from two points of view — the first is whether the agency 
employed was sufficient and adequate to impose the change and carry 
it through; the second is the amount of resistance such a project en- 
countered on the part of the subject nation or Sulu, and in case the 
resistance could be overcome, whether or not a nation like that of the 
Sulus was developed sufficiently for the requirements of the change and 
for subsequent adaptation to the system it was proposed to inaugurate 

Inasmuch as the treaty of 1878 was not abrogated and no distinct 
effort was actually made to disregard it, it should be regarded as the 
official and most authentic expression of Spain's relation, rights, and 


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purpose in Sulu. The terjns of this treaty gave Spain indisputable 
sovereignty over Sulu, the right to occupy all necessary points and to 
establish military garrisons wherever needed, the right to establish custom- 
houses at occupied points, the right to limit or control the importation of 
firearms, the right to suppress piracy and to demand the Sultan's coopera- 
tion in its suppression. 

Tlie degree or amount of sovereignty Spain was to exercise over Sulu 
was very indefinitely stated. The tenn "indisputable" does not signify 
"complete," as some hasty reports on Moro affairs have expressed it. 
The aim of the treaty was to exclude Great Britain, Germany, and other 
foreign nations from the Spanish sphere of influence over Sulu, and the 
word "indisputable" should be interpreted in this sense, which is clearly 
expressed in the Sulu text of the treaty. At that time there was no inten- 
tion on the part of Spain to assume the control of Sulu internal affairs 
and the Sulus endeavored to guard their complete freedom and right to 
continue their political organization, laws, and religion by specifying those 
powers which Spain had a right to exercise over them and by declaring 
emphatically that all their customs, usages, and religion should not be 
changed. The Sulu word for "customs" signifies laws, organization, and 
administrative methods. It is tlie political not the social sense of the 
word about which they were so very particular. The treaty did not 
entitle Spain to interference, or to institute any measure that tended 
toward political change or reform in Sulu. The sultan was left supreme 
in the exercise of his authority over Moros. The treaty simply secured 
undisputed Spanish control over Sulu's foreign relations and commerce 
and incorporated Sulu into the Philippine Archipelago in this sense only. 
It further established peace within the Archipelago by checking any 
possible revival of Sulu piracy. It appears that, both distinguished 
governors, Martinez and Parrado, interpreted the treaty in this sense, 
and the Sulus certainly so understood it. 

Two important steps were taken by Spain later than 1878 in order 
to modify the relations established by the treaty. The first of these 
steps was a resolution to appoint the Sultan of Sulu or control the 
succession to this office. This occurred in 1886 when Sultan Harun 
was declared by the Spanish Government, in answer to the requests of 
Governor-General Terrero and Governor Arolas, as the legitimate sultan. 
By this act the Madrid Government asserted its right to a degree of 
actual sovereignty over Sulu internal affairs and backed its assertion with 
the necessary force and partially carried it through at the hands of Gov- 
ernor Arolas. Jamalul Kiram II finally recognized, to a certain extent, 
Spain's authority in this matter and accepted her right of approval or 
confirmation of the election. 

The second step was an attempt to exact tribute from the Sulus. This 
was done by a decree issued in 1894 by Governor-General Blanco directing 


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that a census be taken of Sulu and a poll tax of 1 "reaV per capita be 
collected. Advantage was taken at that time of the strong desire of 
Raja Muda Amirul Kiram to become sultan. Sultan Harun was per- 
suaded to resign, and the measure adopted for the collection of the 
tribute resulted in the payment of a sum of money or its equivalent by 
Amirul Kiram and the latter's appointment as sultan. The scheme was 
a compromise by whieli Spain attemi)tcd to assume more control over 
Sulu, and Amirul Kiram secured his appointment as sultan without 
having to go to Manila for this purpose. However, tlie attempt to impose 
a tribute on the Sulus appears to have failed completely. No census 
was taken and no tribute was asked in later years. 

The purpose of Spain, in accordance with her official declarations, 
may therefore be summed up as follows: 1. Complete control of Sulu 
foreign relations; 2. Complete control of Sulu commerce; 3. The right 
to appoint the sultan ; 4. The right to impose tribute on the Sulus. 

The first two propositions were legitimate and proper. Both could be 
accomplished and retained by virtue of Spain's naval power, merchant 
marine, and friendly foreign relations with the European nations. The 
Sulus had no navy and no steam vessels. Their native boats could not 
offer any significant resistance and were powerless to oppose the Spanish 
navy. Ever since 1844 the latter was in the ascendant and by 1870 it had 
completely overpowered the Sulu naval forces. Both these propositions 
were conceded to Spain in the treaty of 1878 and were justly held ever 
since. They strengthened the unity of the Philippine Archipelago and 
secured strength and permanent internal peace. 

The third proposition, the right to appoint the sultan, was in effect 
defeated. It was poor policy. At the end of the bloody struggle that 
arose because if it, Spain retained only the right to confirm the choice 
of the nation. Had Governor Arolas confined himself to this point 
he would have won without a contest and without engendering hostility 
and ill feeling toward his Government. Had a test of arms been the sole 
arbiter of the question Governor Arolas might be said to have won his 
point completely, for his forces defeated those of the Sulus in every 
encounter; but the tenacity of purpose, persistence, and patriotism of 
the Sulus outlived his determination, and what was won by force and 
cruelty was given up in the end as inadvisable and impolitic. 

The fourth proposition fell through. The best argument that can be 
advanced in its favor is that a tribute was actually paid by the Sultan 
Jamalul Kiram II in 1894 and that the tax was not imposed in later 
years because of the extensive campaign conducted in Mindanao and the 
frequent changes of Governor-General, and also because of the Tagalog 
insurrection of 1896. Such argument is more in the nature of an apology 
than a defense. There is some significance in exacting tribute from the 
Sultan of Sulu, but the principal of the tribute was utterly defeated. 


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The sultan evidently evaded the question entirely as soon as he felt secure 
in his oJBBce. Such a measure would certainly have been opposed by the 
Sulus. They would have risen to a man and sacrificed more life and 
treasure in this cause than in the previous one of the appointment of their 
candidate for the sultanate. Tlie nation was somewhat divided in the 
fonner case, but in the matter of resisting the payment of a tribute there 
was not a dissenting vote. They would have fought most vigorously and 
unitedly. Governor Arolas did not exhaust their fighting powers; they 
could have fought just as well in 1888 as in 1886-87. One party alone 
advanced against Jolo in 1895, and a band attacked landing soldiers in 
1897. To pay tribute to a foreign power meant vassalage in their opinion, 
and this they could not tolerate.. They would fight, not on the strength 
of a careful and intelligent estimate of their power as compared to that 
of Spain, but because they would not tolerate the idea and their national 
honor would prompt them to exhaust their strength before they would 
yield to such a humiliating proposition. Their fighting power was only 
one unit of their national resources ; their national independence, national 
character, unity and stability of organization were other units which 
added considerable strength to their resistance. What they could not 
defeat they would have left alone; what they could not tolerate they 
would have evaded ; M^hat they could not evade they would have run away 

An exaggerated degree of honor and self-pride, uncontrolled by a certain 
degree of intelligence, culture, and moral courage, is dangerous. Courage 
unencumbered by prosperity or wealth and spurred by abnormal religious 
sentiment, becomes desperate, reckless, and fanatical. Moreover the 
treatment by a highly civilized nation of another limited in culture and 
development is under moral restrictions similar to those pertaining to the 
treatment by a man of mature age of a minor. A minor can not be 
blamed for lack of mature reason, and no more can be expected of him 
than he is able to do. He must further be treated with equity and justice, 
though he is weak and helpless. It was impossible for the Sulus to 
change their character at once. It was absurd to expect of them any 
action contrary to their natural disposition and national character. It 
was the duty of the sovereign nation to recognize the national character 
of her inferior and treat her wisely and justly. Tact might have been 
mightier than an army and wise measures might have worked wonders. 
Nations can be educated and can develop like individuals and force is a 
poor agent whwe the carrying out of a certain measure is intended to 
bring about reform. 

Spain imposed tribute upon the Sulus without being prepared to 
enforce its collection and before the Sulus were ready for such a measure 
and the relation it involved. Granting that the funds derived from the 
tax were to be used for the benefit of the Sulus the principle underlying 


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the institution of the tax is repugnant to the people and no means were 
used to remedy tliis feeling or train the people for its tolerance. No 
savage or semieivilized nation can be reformed and governed without 
initial expense, nor can reform be effected in a day, although forces and 
funds arc available in plenty. 


Jn their bearing on the subject under consideration the resources of 
Spain may be divided into three divisions — her fighting power, her gov- 
ernment machinery or system of government, and her racial influence. 

Her fighting power includes all the forces of the army and navy 
which she could bring to bear on Sulu and her ability to support them. 
The largest Spanish force that ever assembled on the soil of Sulu was 
that commanded by Governor-General Malcampo in the expedition of 
ItSTG; this was estimated at from 9,000 to 11,000 troops. In January, 
1888, the military forces of the Philippine Islands numbered 12,800 men, 
of whom 1,400 were Spaniards and the rest natives. Governor ArolaJs 
never commanded more than 2,000 troops in his various expeditions and 
never needed more than that number. A garrison force of 700 men 
proved sufficient to repulse a general attack on Jolo in 1881. We may 
therefore safely conclude that a force of 2,000 native troops stationed in 
Sulu was sufficient for all purposes and considerations. Such a force 
should have been kept in Sulu all the time. The moral effect of maintain- 
ing it would be to suppress any attempt at opposition and to check the 
tendency to mischief or rebellion. The fact that there is a ready force 
behind an order or request prompts obedience and conformity, before 
deceit or plots can have time to grow. Wise measures are more effective 
and peace is assured. Besides, the honor of the sovereign power is con- 
stantly maintained and no chances for disregard or dishonor are allowed. 
Force back of a wise administrator is a potent factor for good. It need 
not be used except rarely and when absolutely necessary. Force is evil 
only when it is allowed to rule the head of the administrator and, like 
every other agency, it is good only when it is wisely directed. It was 
therefore necessary and, in as far as it was needed to back a competent 
administration, it should have been provided. Spain could have easily 
kept such a force in Sulu all of the time. She had the troops and the 
means to support them. She, however, did not do this, and only part 
of the time did the Sulu garrison have the required strength. However, 
the facility of transporting troops from Zamboanga to Jolo and the 
preponderance of her naval forces reduced this deficiency to a minimum 
and the fighting power of Spain may, as far as our purpose is concerned, 
be deemed to have been adequate to rule Sulu. 

The chief weakness in the Spanish regime lay in her system of govern- 
ment. Her government machinery proved ineffective and inadequate. 


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No competent men were educated into the needs of the situation and 
given pennanent charge of Sulu affairs. Temporary military com- 
manders were put in command without the necessary preparation for the 
requirements of the office. No special ability was needed to conduct an 
office already organized, to execute laws already established, or to carry 
out a system of government already laid out; but it required higher 
abilities to establish sovci-eignty over a new state like Sulu, lay down a 
definite, settled, and wise policy, and carry out the regeneration and 
reform of a nation. Besides too fiequent changes in the office of Gov- 
ernor-General, the governors of Sulu were also allowed too short terms. 
More than thirteen governors ruled Sulu in the course of twenty-three 
years, from 1876 to 1899. Not one of these felt that it was his duty to 
institute a permanent policy for Sulu, or believed that he was going to 
stay long enough to carry it through, and that he was going to be held 
responsible for its conduct, whetlier it failed or succeeded. 

The government of a state is entitled to as much consideration as 
any business undertaking and there is no reason why it should not 
be conducted on sound and businesslike principles. Such methods as 
characterized the government of Sulu would have ruined any business 
establishment and could not have done justice to any nation or body of 
men it represented. The men in responsible positions trusted the trans- 
mission of all official actions and communications to interpreters of 
limited capacity and strength of character. No governor could speak 
Sulu and verify the translation of his letters and orders. Ilis knowledge 
of Sulu affairs and his ideas and opinions were necessarily colored by the 
opinions or designs of his interpreters. The strength of Spain's asser- 
tion and declaration of her rights to rule Sulu, exclude foreign interests, 
appoint the Sultan of Sulu, and impose tribute on the Sulus was based 
on the meaning of the word "sovereignty" which does not appear at all 
in the Sulu text of the treaty of 1878. The Sulu copy of the treaty 
uses in this connection the word ''agad/' which means "follow." In the 
translation of this document from Sulu into English a point was 
stretched and "agad'' was interpreted as "obey." While the Sultans of 
Sulu felt that they were independent and free in their administration of 
^ Sulu internal affairs, and that they were only obliged to give Spain prefer- 
ence, and ally themselves on her side when foreign nations interfered, 
governors like Arolas read the word "sovereignty" in the Spanish text and 
tried to inforce its full and actual sense. The Sulus felt that the 
Spanish governors were thus transgressing the limits of their authority, 
and the Spanish governors thought at the same time that the Sulus were 
unreliable aiid deceitful, a most undesirable and unfortunate condition 
of affairs. 

The missionaries in the northern islands acted differently. They 
talked the language of the natives and performed their duties creditably 


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and with unquestionable success. They understood the people, knew 
their real conditions, sympathized with them, and worked out their 
religious regeneration admirably. The governors of Sulu did not take 
any such view of their duties; they had some zeal, but they lacked that 
understanding of human nature and the forces of regeneration that 
the missionaries mastered. They had no idea of how a Sulu law or 
custom could be modified and refonned, for they never acquainted them- 
selves sufficiently with the laws and customs of the people and never 
paid much attention to the feelings and public opinion of the Sulus. 
They trusted every measure to force and could not think of reform with- 
out compulsion. A missionary who observed the intense fear of demons 
on the part of some pagan Filipinos converted several of them by means 
of a picture of hell and satan, and gradually taught them the principles 
of Christianity. But the governors of Sulu could never detect any 
relation between Sulu and Spanisli laws and could never find a method 
of approach from one side to the other. Their form of government 
failed to adapt itself to the conditions of the country and could neither 
merge into the Sulu organization nor adapt the Sulu organization to its 
system. No sympathies bound the two races or the two organizations, 
and no foundation for unification and subsequent assimilation could be 
laid. Spanish jurisdiction remained within the garrison, and its machi- 
nery could find no application outside the walls of Jolo. 

The amount of force needed to reduce and reform Sulu varies in 
accordance with the policy pursued. Considerable light can be ihrown 
on this subject by a study of the circumstances and causes which gave 
rise to Datus Ayunan, Mandi, Piang, Ara, and Pedro Cuevas or Kalun. 

Datu Ayunan lived at Taviran and was much lower in rank and in- 
fluence than either the Sultan of Bagumbayan or Datu Utu. Having 
grievances against Datu Utu he shrewdly allied himself with the Spanish 
forces and rendered them valuable assistance. In a short time he rose 
to power, dignity, and fame and died greater in the estimation of the 
country than his overlord, the Sultan of Bagumbayan. 

Datu Piang married the daughter of Datu Ayunan and learned his 
methods. As soon as Datu Utu's attitude toward him became unbear- 
able and hostile be offered his services to the Spanish authorities and 
won their protection and support. By shrewd tactics he dispossessed 
his former master T'tu of his best lands, attracted most of his following 
and caused his downfall. At the time of the Spanish evacuation he 
had become the richest Moro in Mindanao and the most influential chief 
in the island. 

Datu Ara had Chinese blood in him. He married his daughter to the 
Gugu^ of Magindanao, won the favor of the governor of Kotabato, and 

^ A chief subordinate to a datu. 

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ruled over all Moros on the southern branch of the Mindanao River below 
Tamontaka. He was strong and well respected. 

Datu Mandi married the daughter of a Samal chief of Zamboanga 
and through his tact and ability to speak Spanish established for himself 
a respectable position over the Samals of Mindanao. He served the 
interests of Spain faithfully and bore arms in her behalf against Bisa- 
yans and Lanao Moros. The recognition and support he obtained from 
the Spanish Government raised him to the rank of a datu and gave him 
supremacy over all the chiefs of the peninsula of Zamboanga. A close 
observation of Datu Mandi's ability and attitude toward the government 
renders it clear that the influence this man could bring to bear on his 
people was immense. It is no exageration to state that had his in- 
fluence been tactfully utilized;, he could have easily, with the aid of 
one company of Spanish troops, reduced to submission all Moros and 
Subanuns living between Point Flechas and Sindangan on the outskirts 
of Dapitan. There never existed a Moro chief more tactful, pliable, 
forceful, and favorable to the reorganization of the Moro community 
and its system of government along modem and civilized lines. 

With little aid from the governor of Zamboanga, Pedro Cuevas made 
himself the real lord of northern Basilan. His power was further well 
respected throughout all the Basilan Group of islands. With no more 
than two companies of troops at his disposal he could have acted as the 
Spanish representative and subordinate ruler or governor of all the 
Basilan and Balangingi Groups of islands and could have effected any . 
reform desired. 

By tact and ability these men obtained Spanish influence and support 
and rose from the lowest ranks of the people to positions of great power 
and dignity. Had the Spanish Government employed such men to 
further its influence by enlarging their following and extending their 
territories and spheres of activity, there is no doubt that a very significant 
step would have been taken which would have made clear to the Spanish 
authorities successful methods of procedure and new lines of policy that 
lead to success. 

Similar lines of action could have been adopted in Sulu by taking 
advantage of existing parties and factions. Once the sympathy of one 
Sulu party was obtained and its forces bore arms on behalf of or on 
the same side with Spain, the door would have been opened for effective 
influence and wise measures directed along the line of cleavage would 
have been bound to produce results. A minimum of force would then 
be needed, and strained relations and discord would give way to friend- 
ship and concord. The history of Sulu is not wanting in proof that 
wise attractive methods have been more effective than force and arbitrary 
rule, and, once we reflect upon Abu Bakr's rule and the wonderful 
reformation he worked out, then we realize what was and what was not 

a wise policy for Sulu. 


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Little attention has, as a rule, been given to race characteristics as 
a potent factor in a nation's policy. The racial character of the sovereign 
nation bears on the ruled nation in several ways — in the conduct and 
demeanor of officials in their official and social relations with the chiefs 
and common people, in the demeanor of soldiers and civilians in their 
social intercourse with the mass of the people, and in the industrial or 
business relations of the two nations. 

The Sulu datus and chiefs are very courteous and polite and are 
unusually keen- to notice personal discourtesy. Impulsive and uncon- 
ciliatory methods are bitterly resented, and an abrupt manner may in 
itself be sufficient to defeat any measure. The people in general have 
no patience with an impetuous officer and hate to be discourteously 
treated even by their datus. Treated with disrespect by the authorities 
or disregarded by the ruling race, they become exclusive, evasive, indif- 
ferent, unsympathetic, and discontented. The ruling race can be polite, 
courteous, and civil in all its social relations with those under it and 
yet retain its racial supremacy and social position, and win the respect 
and submission of the ruled race. If ordinary civil duties require good 
breeding and good manners, the duties of the Spanish officer toward tlie 
native chiefs certainly demanded tlie highest qualities of a gentleman 
and the most sympathetic, upright, and firm disposition possible. Many 
Spanish officers possessed these qualities and conducted their offices with 
full dignity and credit, but it can not be said that all officers were so 
fully qualified. Such facts in themselves are sufficient to determine the 
quality of the person to whom state affairs in Sulu should be trusted. 

Further, the reform of a nation can never be fully accomplished 
without the aid of her chiefs and leaders. The cooperation of the 
natives is a very potent factor for good, -and a system of government 
which aims at the elevation of a conquered nation must find a place in 
its machinery for the activities of natives of ability and influence. 
Hence the necessity of successful cooperation with natives and the 
importance of securing higher qualifications in men holding the highest 
offices of government. The fewer such officers are and the abler they 
are, the better and safer the result will be. Such men can overcome 
racial prejudices and national sentiments and grievances and by the 
manner in which they discharge their duties, they can command the 
aj>proval and respect of the ruled nation, gain its sympathies to the 
side of the government, and maintain peace, prosperity, and good rela- 
tions between the governing and the governed nations. However, these 
results were not obtained by Spain in Sulu. The religion and racial 
prejudices of the two nations were never overcome and the Sulus main- 
tained a feeling of revulsion and distrust toward Spaniards and Christian 

- [150J 

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Great aid is rendered the government when the ruling race is com- 
petent and resourceful enough to utilize the services of the ruled race and 
at the same time give it sufficient space and latitude for the exercise of 
its energies and the satisfaction of its ambitions. A most favorable 
industrial relation can be maintained, if the capital of the sovereign 
nation can find opportunities to invest in the conquered territory, buy up 
its crude products, and promote its natural resources. The natives then 
find work to do, increase in prosperity, and look upon the existence of the 
ruling race as favorable for their development and progress, but in case 
the subjugated nation is crowded out of its territories and robbed of its 
resources by keen com})etition, greed, or undue domination on the part of 
the ruling race, hostilities are bound to arise and disaffection extends 
from industrial relations to politics and may lead to trouble and rebellion. 

Many Spaniards seemed to regard Sulu as a very desirable country for 
colonization and offered many suggestions as to the most favorable sites 
for factories, the best industries that could be developed, and the best 
methods and means of exploitation. Several farms were started in the 
vicinity of Jolo, but they were abandoned even before the evacuation of 
the islands, and no effective step can be said to have been taken by Spain 
to colonize Sulu except the building up of the town of Jolo itself. This 
subject has therefore played no important part in the policy exercised by . 
Spain in Sulu and very little can be said in this connection. It must, 
however, be stated that the lands of the Archipelago of Sulu are extremely 
limited in area and should have been reserved for the Sulus. Perfect 
disinterestedness should have l>een exhibited by the Spaniards in this 

^ See Appendix XXIV, on La Torre's views on the policy that should be adopted in 
Mindanao and Sulu. 


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71296 11 267 


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Appendix I 


[Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Dr. Antonio de Morga, Mexico, 1609.] ^ 

Shortly after Don Francisco Tello had taken over the governorship, 
news was brought .of the death of Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa in 
Mindanao by Brother Gaspar Gomez of the Society of Jesus. The latter 
brought the body for burial in the college of Manila, of which Don Este- 
ban was patron. Juan de la Xara wrote that he had charge of affairs, 
that he had settled in Tampakan,^ that he intended to continue the 
pacification and conquest of the island as should seem most advisable, and 
that reenforcements of men and other things should be sent him. It 
was learned that he intended to make an ill use of the government, and 
would not remain dependent on, and subordinate to, the governor of the 
Philippines; and that he was depriving the heirs of p]steban Rodriguez 
of what lawfully belonged to them. It was learned that, in order to make 
himself safer in this respect, he was sending his confidants to the town of 
Arevalo in Oton where Don Esteban had left his wife. Dona Ana de Osse- 
guera, and his two small daughters, with his house and property, to per- 
suade Dona Ana to marry him. This resolution appeared injurious in 
many respects, and the attempt was made to rectify mattei*s. But in 
order not to disturb the affairs of Mindanao, the .matter was left alone 
for the present, until time should show the course to be followed. And 
so it happened that when Juan do la Xara left the camp and settlements 
of Mindanao, and came hurriedly to Oton to negotiate his marriage in 
person — although -the widow of Don Esteban had never been favorable to 
it — Don Francisco Tello sent men to arrest him. He was brought to 
Manila, where he died while his trial was being conducted. 

After the imprisonment of Jtian do la Xara, Don Francisco Tello 
immediately sent Captain Toribio de Miranda to Mindanao, with orders 
to take command of the camp and to govern until some one should agree 
to continue the enterprise. When he arrived at Mindanao and the 
soldiers saw that Juan de la Xara's schemes had been defeated, and that 
the latter was a prisoner in Manila, with no hope of returning, they obeyed 
Toribio de Miranda and the orders that he brought. 

1 The Philippine Islands, Blair and Robertson, XV, pp. 93-100. 

3 A point and settlement on the north bank of the Mindanao River and at its mouth. 


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In Manila tlie governor was considering carefully the necessary meas- 
ures for continuing the war, since the island of Mindanao was so near 
the other pacified islands, and tlie island itself contained some provinces 
that professed peace and were apportioned as encomiendas and had 
Spanish magistrates, such as the rivers of Butuan, Dapitan, and Karaga, 
so that it was desirable to pacify the whole island and subject it to His 
Majesty. The royal treasury was spent and could not bear the expense; 
and Esteban Rodriguez had bound himself by a legal writ to carry the 
war to entire completion at his own expense, in accordance with the terms 
of his agreement. The guardian of his children and heirs brought 
the matter before the court, and refused to fulfill this obligation on 
account of Esteban Rodriguez's death. In order not to lose time, for 
what had been commenced had to be continued in one way or another, 
the governor decided to prosecute it, drawing the necessary funds from 
the royal treasury, either on its own account or on the account of Es- 
teban Rodriguez's heirs, if such should be according to law. The gov- 
ernor them searched for a person to go to Mindanao, and selected Don 
Juan Ronquillo, general of the galleys. The latter was given the neces- 
sary reenforcements of men and other things, with which he reached 
Mindanao. Re took command of the Spanish camp and fleet which he 
found in Tampakan. He confirmed the peace and friendship with the 
chiefs and people of Tampakan and Lumagan, restored and set in better 
order the Spanish settlement and fort, ^nd began to make preparation 
for the war against the people of Bwayan.^ He spent many days in 
making a few incursions into their land and attacks on their forts, but 
without any notable result, for the enemy ware many and all good soldiers, 
with plenty of arquebuses and artillery, and had fortified themselves in 
a strong position. They had many other fortifications inland and wenl 
from one to the other- with impunity, whenever they wished, and greatly 
harassed the Spaniards, who were little used to so swampy a country. 
The latter found themselves short of provisions without the possibility 
of getting them in the country on account of the war, inasmuch as the 
camp contained many men, both Spaniards and the native servants and 
boatmen, and it was not easy at all times to come and go from one 
part to another in order to provide necessities. 

Meanwhile Don Juan Ronquillo, seeing that the war was advancing 
very slowly and with little result, and that the camp was suffering, 
drew up a report of it, and sent letters in all haste to Governor Don 
Francisco Tello, informing him of the condition of afl'airs. He wrote 

1 A careful review of RonquUIo's reports and letters on his pacification of Mindanao 
shows an evident error in the use of the word Bwayan to signify the settlement or 
stronghold of the Sultan of Magindanao. Bwayan here, and probably in Figueroa's report, 
too, is used In place of Magindanao, which lay on the site occupied at present by Kotabato. 
Bwisan was then the Sultan of Magindanao and headed the opposition to RonquUIo's 
advance up the north branch of the Mindanao River. Sirungan, who is mentioned in 
this report, might have been a datu or subdatu of Magindanao, not necessarily Sirungan, 
the Raja of Bwayan. 


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that it would be better to withdraw the camp from Mindanao River, so 
that it might not periph; and that a presidio eouki be established on the 
same island in the port of La Caldera, which could be left fortified, in 
order not to abandon this enterprise entirely, and so that their friends 
of Tampakan and Lumagan might be kept hostile to the people of 
Bwayan. Meanwhile he and the rest of the camp and fleet woukl return 
to Manila, if permitted, for which he requested the governor to send 
him an order quickly. Upon the receipt of this dispatch. Governor Don 
Francisco ^Fello resolved to order Don Juan Eonquillo, since the above 
was so and the camp could not be maintained, nor the war continued 
advantageously, to withdraw with his whole camp from Mindanao River. 
He was first to make a great effort to chastise the enemy in Bwayan, 
and then to burn the Spanish settlement and fort and go to La Caldera, 
fortify it, and leave there a sufficient garrison with artillery, boats, 
and provisions for its maintenance and service. Then he was to return 
to Manila with the rest of his men, after telling their friends in Tam- 
pakan that the Spaniards would shortly return to the river better equipped 
jind in great numbers. 

Silonga ^ and other chiefs of Bwayan were not neglecting their de- 
fense, since, among other measures taken, they had sent a chief to Ter- 
nate to ask assistance against the Spaniards who had brought war into 
their homes. Thereupon the King of Ternate dispatched a numerous 
fleet of caracoas and other boats to Mindanao with cachils ^ and valiant 
soldiers — ^more than 1,000 fighting men in all — and a quantity of small 
artillery, in order to force the Spaniards to break camp and depart, even 
could they do nothing else. When the news reached Bwayan that this 
fleet was coming to their defense and support, they made ready and 
prepared to attack the Spaniards, who also having heard the same news 
were not careless. Consequently the latter turned their attention more 
to the main fort, and reduced the number of men in the smaller forts on 
Butil ^ River and other posts, mouths, and arms of the same river. 
These served to strengthen the garrison of the main fort and the armed 
galleys and other smaller craft, in order to use the latter to resist the 
expected attack of the enemy. The enemy having gallantly advanced to 
the very fort of the Spaniards with all their vessels and men, attacked 
and stormed it with great courage and resolution, in order to effect an 
entrance. The Spaniards within resisted valiantly, and those outside in 
the galleys on the river assisted them so effectively that together, with 
artillery and arquebuses, and at times in close combat with swords and 
kampilan, they made a great slaughter and havoc among the men of 
Ternate and those of Bwayan, who were aiding the former. They killed 

1 The correct name is Sirungan. 

* Cachil or Kachil is a Malay word signifying "little" or "young," hence a youth of 
distinction or a younger prince of the royal line. 

* A tributary of the Mindanao River which rises in Talayan, and empties at Tavlran. 


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and wounded a great number of them and captured almost all the cara- 
coas and vessels of the enemy, so that very few boats escaped, and they 
were pursued and burned by the Spaniards, who made many prisoners 
and seized immense booty and many weapons from the enemy. As soon 
as possible after this, the Spaniards turned against the settlements and 
forts of Bwayan where some of their results were of so great moment 
that the enemy, seeing themselves hard pressed and without anyone to 
help them, sent messages and proposals of peace to Don Juan Eonquillo, 
which were ended by their rendering recognition and homage, and the 
renewal of friendship with the people of Tampakan, their ancient enemy. 
In order to strengthen the friendship, they sealed it by the marriage of 
the greatest chief and lord ot Bwayan with the daughter of another chief 
of Tampakan, called Dungunlibur. Thereupon the war was apparently 
completely ended, provisions were now to be had, and the Spaniards 
with little precaution crossed and went about the country wherever they 
wished. The people of Bwayan promised to dismantle all their forts 
immediately, for that was one of the conditions of peace. Then the 
Spaniards returned to their fort and settlements at Tampakan, whence 
Don Juan Eonquillo immediately sent dispatches to Governor Don Fran- 
cisco Tello, informing him of the different turn that the enterprise had 
taken. In view of the present condition he requested the governor to 
issue new instructions as to his procedure, saying that he would wait 
without making any change, notwithstanding the arrival of the answer 
which he expected to his first report, for conditions had now become 
so much better than before that the governor's decision would be 

The governor had already answered Don Juan Eonquillo's first dis- 
patch, as we have said above, when the second dispatch arrived with 
news of the successes in Mindanao. Suspicious of the men in the camp 
who had constantly shown a desire to return to Manila, and little relish 
for the hardships of war, and fearing lest they would return at the 
arrival of the first order, executing that order and abandoning the enter- 
prise which had reached such a satisfactory stage; and thinking that it 
would be imwise to abandon the river, the governor made haste to send 
a second dispatch immediately by various roads, ordering them to pay 
no attention to his first orders, but to remain in Mindanao, and that he 
would soon send them what was necessary for furtlier operations. 

It seems that this message traveled slowly; for, the first having ar- 
rived, they obeyed it without any further delay, and camp was raised 
and the country abandoned. To their former enemy of Bwayan they gave 
as a reason that the governor of Manila had summoned them; and to 
their friends of Tampakan they said that they would leave men in La 
Caldera for their security, and that assistance would be sent them from 
Manila. This news caused as much sorrow and sadness to the latter 


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as joy to the people of Bwayan. Then, after burning their fort and settle- 
ment, the Spaniards e^ibarked all their forces as soon as possible, left 
the river, and went to La Caldera, 24 leagues farther down in the direc- 
tion of Manila. Having entered port, they built a fortress and left 
there a garrison of 100 Spaniards, with some artillery, provisions, and 
boats for their use. 

At this juncture the governor's second message to General Don Juan 
Ronquillo arrived, to which the latter replied that he was already in La 
Caldera, and could not return to the river. Then, without any further 
delay, Don Juan Ronquillo went to Manila with the balance of his fleet, 
by way of the Provinces of Oton and Panay. The governor, having 
heard of his coming, sent to arrest him on the road before he entered the 
city, and proceeded against him by law for having withdrawn the camp 
and army from Mindanao River, without awaiting the orders he should 
have expected after the favorable turn that affairs had taken. Don 
Juan Ronquillo was set at liberty on showing a private letter from the 
governor, which the latter had sent him separately with the first in- 
structions, to the effect that he should return to Manila with his troops 
in any event, for they were needed in the Islands for other purposes; 
and because of this letter Don Juan had determined nt)t to await the 

second order. 


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Appendix II 


[ConcerniDg the pacification of the Island of Mindanao in the year 1600.] * 

In the relation of the last year you will have learned how occurred 
the death, in the pacification of the Island of Mindanao, of Esteban 
Rodriguez de Figueroa, who offered to carry out this pacification under 
the conditions which he stipulated with Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, 
formerly governor of these islands, copies of which were sent to His 
Majesty and to Master-of-Camp Juan de Lajara, formerly of the said 
expedition, who succeeded to his place when the camp was abandoned, 
and came to Manila. Don Francisco Tello, Governor and Captain-Gen- 
eral of the said Philippine Islands, who at that time had taken posses- 
sion of the government, was considering how to aid and stimulate the 
said pacification at the expense of the heirs of Esteban Rodriguez, and 
with the agreement of the captains and persons who were long resident 
and experienced in war in the said islands. Don Juan Ronquillo was 
appointed commander of the galleys to prosecute the said pacification, 
and in the meantime, in order to be present and continue the expedition, 
Capt. Toribio de Miranda was sent forward to encourage and animate 
the troops, under orders to keep them in his charge; and in case the 
post should be abandoned, and a retreat made to Manila, he should 
detain the troops and return to Mindanao. The said Capt. Toribio 
de Miranda having arrived at the Island ^ of La Caldera, which lies 40 
leagues from the river of Mindanao, there found the whole camp, which 
was returning from the said islands. Conformably to the orders which 
he had, he turned back and fortified the site where they had first been, 
which was on the river, 4 leagues from the forts of the enemy. Juan 
Ronquillo, having been dispatched to Mindanao, had taken the camp 
in his charge, and begun to achieve some success. He achieved a victory 
in the battle which he fought with the Ternatans, who had entered with 
800 men to give aid to the people of Mindanao. Before these successes, 
he had written a letter in disparagement of that country (a copy of 
which was sent to His Majesty), on account of which, in a council of war 

iThe Philippine Islands, Blair and Robertson, XI, pp. 135-139. 

= Unsigned. 

» Point or bay, not an Island. 


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which had been held, the General Don Ronquillo had been ordered to 
make a last effort against the Mindanaos, doing them all possible 
damage. He was then to come to the Island ^ of La Caldera and there 
build a fort, to be garrisoned with a hundred Spanish soldiers, with 
artillery, aiTns, and munitions, and leave them there as a check upon 
Temate and Mindanao, in charge of a good soldier, one of the captains 
of the camp, and with the rest return to Manila. Although Don Juan 
Ronquillo received this order, after having won considerable victories, 
he again wrote that he would not abandon that place, even if such 
were the order, because it would not be expedient to retire from the 
camp and comply with what had been ordered, when he was leaving the 
Island of Mindanao already pacified, the chiefs, with whom he had used 
gentle means, that they might all be more contented, having again ren- 
dered submission to His Majesty, and likewise as the King of Sulu again 
rendered obedience and submission. Confiding in this, Capt. Cristobal 
Villagra, whom Don Juan Ronquillo had appointed commander of the 
garrison of La Caldera, had sent 30 soldiers to the Island of Sulu for 
supplies. They found at this time in Jolo a Mindanao chief, an uncle 
of the King of Mindanao and a brother-in-law of the King of Sulu, 
who had been driven out of Mindanao because he was rebellious. He 
treacherously killed 13 Spanish soldiers. When news of this was 
brought, Juan Pacho was sent to take the troops of La Caldera in charge, 
and, when it should seem best to him, to try to inflict punishment with 
600 Spaniards; the enemy unfortunately killed the said Juan Pacho 
and 29 Spaniards, the rest of them retiring without any success. This 
news having come to the governor, he sent in place of Juan Pacho, 
Capt. Toribio de Miranda, a person in whom he had entire confidence, 
with an order not to attempt any punishment until he had force enough 
for it. After this Capt. Toribio de Miranda arrived at La Caldera on 
the 26th of August, 1599. When the garrison was given into his charge 
he put the defensive works in order, and with the arms which he 
brought, and those which he found in the fort, he armed all the troops, 
amounting to 114 soldiers. As directed by an order of the governor, he 
sent a chief of the Pintados [Bisayans] to Mindanao with letters to the 
chiefs of the island, in which he informed them that they would be 
protected, favored, and upheld in justice, as vassals of His Majesty, 
and that with this object a garrison had been placed in La Caldera ; and 
that to aid in maintaining it, and in covering the expenses which they 
had caused in the war by their disobedience, the largest possible quantity 
of tributes would be collected for His Majesty, and that he would send 
for them shortly, which had not been done earlier because the Mindanaos 
had been so spent and afflicted. Having arrived on the 2d of September 
at the river of Mindanao, and delivered his dispatch, this chief was 

^ Point or bay, not ap island. 

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well received, and found the people in the settled state in which Gen. 
Don Juan Ronquillo had left them. Eaja Muda, the main chief of 
Mindanao, in the name of them all, sent him back on the 15th of the said 
month, offering to give to His Majesty all the tribute which they could 

At this time news from the chief (;aptain of Malacca having reached 
the governor, to the effect that in the Sunda,^ 150 leagues from that port, 
there had been seen a number of English ships, whose designs were not 
known; and, a little later, word from the commander of the fort of 
Maluco that there were at Ternate, within the port, two English ships 
with 400 men and 50 pieces of artillery; a council of war was held as to 
what was best to do. The said council dec^ided to withdraw the garrison 
from La Caldera to Cebu, so that the enemy sliould not take that place; 
and, if they should attempt to do damage to that province, they would 
find it in a state of defense. Accordingly an order was sent to Capt. 
Toribio de Miranda to withdraw with the troops, arms, artillery, and 
munitions, dismantling the fort; he was also told that he coidd return 
shortly to the island with more troops and arms, in order to assist in its 
defense. On the 9th of September Capt. Toribio de Miranda arrived at 
Cebu, with all the troops, artillery, arms, and munitions; and at the 
same time Gen. Don Juan Tello arrived at Cebu with a hundred men, who 
came as reenforcement from the city of Manila. Having spent six months 
there and commenced to build a fort of stone, the governor, as they had no 
more news of the English referred to, sent an order to the said Don Juan 
to come to the city of Manila — which he did with the hundred men, 
leaving the Province of Cebu in a prosperous condition, with the troops 
which are usually kept there, and those of the garrison of La Caldera, 
which in all amounted to 250 Spaniards. 

After all this, in June of 1600, the governor received news, by way 
of Malacca, that the ships which had passed to the South Sea belonged 
to Dutch merchants, who had come to load with spices in the Maluco 
Islands. Having transacted their business, they had returned to their 
own country by way of India, without doing any damage to the islands 
of the west; it therefore seems that we are safe, notwithstanding the news 
received of those enemies. 

^The Strait of Sunda, which separates Java from Sumatra. 

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Appendix III 


[Sucesos de lafi Islas Filipinas, Dr. AntoDio de Morga, Mexico, 1609.] ^ 

The Spanish garrison left in La Caldera, at the withdrawal of Don 
Eonquillo^s camp from the river of Mindanao, passed into command of 
Captain Villagra at the death of Capt. Juan Pacho in Jolo, and was 
suflFering for lack of provisions; for neither the people of the river 
could give them to the Spaniards, nor would the Sulus furnish any on 
account of the war declared upon them. Therefore the garrison urgently 
requested Governor Don Francisco Tello either to aid their presidio with 
provisions, soldiers, and ammunition, or to allow them to retire to Ma- 
nila — a thing of which they were most desirous — since there they gained 
no other special result than that of famine, and of incarceration in that 
fort, and of no place wherein to seek their sustenance. The governor, 
in view of their insistence in the matter, and having but little money 
in the royal exchequer, with which to provide for and maintain the said 
presidio — and for the same reason the punishment that was to be in- 
flicted upon the Sulus for their outrages upon the Spaniards, and their 
insurrection was deferred — and thinking that the return to Mindanao 
matters would be a long question, he was inclined to excuse the difficulty 
and anxiety of maintaining the presidio of Ija Caldera. In order to 
do it with a reasonable excuse he consulted the Audiencia and other 
intelligent persons, and requested them to give him their opinion. But 
he first communicated his wishes to them and gave them some reasons 
with which he tried to persuade them to give him the answer that he 
desired. The Audiencia advised him not to remove or raise the garrison 
of La Caldera, but to reenforce and maintain it, and to attend to the 
affairs of Sulu and the river of Mindanao as soon as possible, even if 
what was necessary for those two places should be withdrawn from some 
other section. They said that this was the most urgent need, and the 
one which required the greatest attention in the islands, both in order 
to pacify those provinces and to keep them curbed; lest, seeing the 
Spaniards totally withdrawn, they should gain courage and boldly venture 

iThe Philippine Islands, Blair and Robertson, XV, pp. 190-196. 


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still farther and come down to make captures among the Pintados 
[Bisayans] and carry the war to the very doors of the Spaniards. 
Notwithstanding this reply the governor resolved to raise and withdraw 
the garrison, and sent orders to Captain Villagra immediately to burn 
the fort which had been built in La Caldera, to withdraw with all his 
men and ships, and return to Manila. This was quickly done, for the 
captain and the soldiers of the garrison waited for nothing more than 
to dismantle the fort and leave. When the Sulus saw the Spaniards 
abandoning the country, they were persuaded that the latter would 
return to Mindanao no more, and that they had not sufficient forces to 
do so. Thereupon they gained fresh resolution and courage, and united 
with the people of Bwayan on the river, and equipped a number of 
caracoas and other craft, in order to descend upon the coast of Pintados 
(Bisayas) to plunder them and make captives. The people of Tampa- 
kan, who lost hope of receiving further help from the Spaniards, and of 
the latter's return to the river, since they had also abandoned the fort 
of La Caldera and left the country, came to terms with and joined the 
people of Bwayan, their neighbors, in order to avoid the war and injuries 
that they were suffering from the latter. Then all turned their arms 
against the Spaniards, promising themselves to make many incursions 
into their territory and gain much plunder. Accordingly they prepared 
their fleet and appointed as leaders and commanders of it two of the 
experienced chiefs of the river of Mindanao, called Sali and Silungan.* 
They left the Mindanao Kiver in the month of July of the year 1599, 
in the season of the vendabals,^ with 50 caracoas, containing more than 
3,000 soldiers armed with arquebuses, kampilan, carasas,^ other weapons 
with handles, and many culver ins, and steered toward the islands of 
Oton and Panay, and neighboring islands. They passed Negros Island 
and went to the river of Panay, which they ascended for 5 leagues to 
the chief settlement^ where the alcalde-mayor and some Spaniards were 
living. They sacked the settlement, burned tlie houses and churches, 
captured many native Christians — men, women, and children — upon 
whom they committed many murders, cruelties, and outrages. They 
pursued these in boats more than 10 leagues up the river, and destroyed 
all the crops. For the alcalde-mayor, and those who could, fled inland 
among the mountains, and accordingly the enemy had a better opportu- 
nity to do what they pleased. After they had burned all the vessels in 
the river, they left the river of Panay with tlieir boats laden with 
pillaged goods and captive Christians. They did the same in the other 
islands and towns which they passed. Then they returned to Mindanao, 
without any opposition being offered, with a quantity of gold and goods 
and more than 800 captives, besides the people whom they had killed. 

1 This word is as commonly used with an "1" as with an "r," as Slrungan. 
*A strong wind south by west. 
• Shields. 


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In Mindanao they divided the spoil, and agreed to get ready a larger 
fleet for the next year, and return to make war better prepared.* 

This daring attack of the Mindanaos worked great injury to the Pintado 
Islands [Bisayas], both on account of their deeds there and also on 
account of the fear and terror with which they inspired the natives; 
because of the latter being in the power of the Spaniards, who kept them 
subject, tributary, and disarmed, and neither protected them from their 
enemies, nor left them the means to defend themselves, as they used to 
do when there were no Spaniards in the country. Therefore many towns 
of peaceful and subjected Indians revolted and withdrew to the Ungues,^ 
and refused to descend to their houses, magistrates, and encoinenderos.'^ 
As was reported daily, they all had a great desire to revolt and rebel, 
but they were appeased and reduced again to subjection by a few promises 
and presents from their encomenderos and religious who showed great 
pity and sadness over their injuries. Although in Manila people regret- 
ted these injuries, and still more those which were expected in the future 
from the enemy, they did nothing but regret them — since the governor 
was ill provided with ships and other necessities for the defense — and 
reckon them with the loss which they had suffered for having raised the 
camp on the river of Mindanao and dismantled the presidio of La 

As soon as the weather permitted, the Mindanaos and Sulus returned 
with a large fleet of more than 70 well-equipped ships and more than 
4,000 fighting men, led by the same Silungan and Sali, and other Min- 
danao and Sulu chiefs, to the same Islands of Pintados [Bisayas], with 
the determination of taking and sacking the Spanish to^vn of Arevalo, 
which is situated in Oton. Capt. Juan Garcia de Sierra, alcalde mayor 
of that province, having heard of this expedition and of the designs 
entertained by the enemy, took the most necessary precautions, and 
gathering into the town all the Spaniards who lived there and in its 
neighborhood, shut himself up in it with all of them. Then, having 
repaired, as well as possible, a wooden fort there, he gathered there 
the women and their possessions. He and the Spaniards — about 70 
men — armed with arquebuses, awaited the enemy. The latter, who in- 
tended to attack the river of Panay again, passed Negro s Island and 
made for the town of Arevalo, where they anchored close to the native 

1 Native word for mountain. 

^Ttiose to whom land had been granted with control over the natives who worked 
on it. 

" This was the first piratical expedition made against the Spaniards by the inhabitants 
of the southern islands. (Rlzal.) 

Barrantes (Guerras Piraticas) wrongly dates the abandonment of La Caldera and 
the incursion of the Moros 1590. Continuing, he says : "The following year they repeated 
the expedition so that the Indians retired to the densest parts of the forests, where it 
cost considerable trouble to induce them to become quiet, for a woman, who proclaimed 
herself a sibyl or prophetess, preached to them that they should not obey the Spaniards 
any longer, for the latter had allied themselves with the Moros to exterminate all the 


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settlement. Then they landed 1,500 men armed with arquebuses, Icam- 
pilan, and carasas, and, without stopping on the way marched against 
the Spanish town which was the object of their attack. The Spaniards, 
divided into troops, sallied forth and opened fire with their arquebuses 
upon the enemy with such vehemence that they forced them to retreat 
and take refuge on board their caracoas. So great was the enemy's 
confusion that many Mindanaos were killed before they coidd embark. 
Capt. Juan Garcia de Sierra, who was on horseback, pursued the enemy 
so closely to the water's edge that the latter cut off the legs of his mount 
with their Jcampilan and brought him to the ground, where they killed 
him. The enemy embarked with a heavy loss of men, and halted at the 
Island of GimarAs,* in sight of Arevalo. There they counted their men, 
including the dead and the wounded, who were not a few, and among 
whom was one of the most noted chiefs and leaders. Then they sailed 
for Mindanao, making a great show of grief and sorrow, and sounding 
their bells ^ and tifas.^ They made no further delay at Pintados [Bi- 
sayas], deriving little profit or gain from the expedition but much injury, 
and loss of men and reputation, which was felt more deeply upon their 
arrival in Sulu and Mindanao. In order to remedy this disaster, it was 
proposed to renew their expedition against the Pintados at the first 
monsoon with more ships and men, and it was so decided. 

1 Probably gongs. 

■ The Island of Qimar&s, southeast of Panay, and separated from it by the Strait of 

^ Neither Stanley nor Rizal throws any light on this word. The Spanish dictionaries 
Ukewise fail to explain it, as does also a limited examination of Malay and Tagal diction- 
aries. Three conjectures are open : 1. A derivative of tifataa, a species of moUusk, 
hence a conch ; 2. A Malay or Tagal word for either a wind or other instrument, the 
Malay words for "to blow." "sound a musical instrument," being tiyup and tiyuplwn; 
3. A misprint for the Spanish pifaa, a possible shortened form of pifanos, signifying fifes. 


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Appendix IV 


[SucesoB de las Islas FilipiDas, Dr. Antonio de Morga, Mexico, 1609.] ^ 

The daring and audacity of the Mindanaos and Sulus in making in- 
cursions with their fleets into the Islands of Pintados [Bisayas] had 
reached such a state that it was now expected that they would come as 
far 88 Manila, plundering and devastating. In order to check them, at 
the beginning of the year 1602, Governor Don Francisco Tello, deriving 
strength from weakness, determined that the expedition against Sulu 
should be made at once, without more delay, in order to punish and pacify 
it, with the forces and men whom Capt. and Sargento-mayor Juan 
Xuarez Gallinato held in Cebu and in the Pintados [Bisayas] together 
with more men, ships, and provisions, which were sent him, accompanied 
by the necessary documents and instructions for him be enter the island, 
chastise its king and inhabitants, and pacify and reduce it to the obe- 
dience of his Majesty. By this means, until there should be an op- 
portunity to settle the affairs of Mindanao, which is quite near Sulu, 
the audacity of the enemy would be checked; and by bringing the war 
into his own country, he would not come out to conmiit depredations. 
Captain Gajlinato set out on this expedition with 200 Spanish soldiers, 
ships, artillery, enough provisions for four months — the time which it 
was thought the expedition would last — and with Indians as rowers for 
the ships and for other services that might arise. When he arrived at 
Sulu, at the bar of the river of this island, which is 2 leagues from the 
principal town and dwellings of the king, he landed his men, artillery, 
and the necessary provisions and left his ships under a sufficient guard. 
The islanders were all in the town and dwellings of the king, which are 
situated on a very high hill above some cliffs, and have two roads of 
approach through paths and roads so narrow that they can be reached 
only in single file. They had fortified the whole place, intrenched it 
with palms and other woods and a number of culverins. They had also 
collected provisions and water for their sustenance, besides a supply of 
arquebuses and other weapons. They had neither women nor children 

1 The Philippine Islands, Blair and Robertson, XV, pp. 240-244, 264-268. 

71296 12 283 


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with them, for they had taken them out of the island. They had re- 
quested aid from the people of Mindanao, Bruney, and Ternate, and were 
awaiting the same, since they had been informed of the fleet which was 
being prepared against them in the Pintados [Bisayas]. Gallinato de- 
termined to pitch his camp near the town before this aid should arrive, 
and to attack the fort. After he had quartered himself at a distance of 
one-half league, in a plain facing the ascent, he sent interpreters with 
messages to the king and chiefs of the island, calling on them to sur- 
render, and telling them that good terms would be given them. While 
waiting for an answer, he fortified his quarters in that spot, intrenching 
himself wherever necessary. He mounted the artillery in the best posi- 
tion for use, and kept his men ready for any emergency. A false and 
deceptive answer was returned, making excuses for the excesses that had 
been committed, and for not complying just then with what had been 
asked of them, and making loud promises to do so later. All this was 
with the object of detaining the ca])tain in that place, which is very un- 
healthy, until the rains should set in, his provisions run short, and the 
arrival of the expected aid. After this answer had been received the 
Sulus, thinking that the Spaniards had become more careless on account 
of it, swarmed down quickly from the said fort in a large body of 
probably somewhat over one thousand; and armed with arquebuses and 
other weapons with handles, kampilan, and caragas, attacked and as- 
saulted the quarters and camp of the Spaniards. This could not be done 
so secretly as not to be seen by the Spaniards and allow them opportunity 
to prepare to receive the Sulus before their arrival. This the Spaniards 
did, and having permitted the natives to come all together in a body to 
the very inside of the quarters and trenches, as soon as the Sulus had 
discharged their arquebuses the Spaniards opened fire upon them, first 
with their artillery, and then with their arquebuses, killing many, and 
forcing the rest to retire in flight to the fort. The Spaniards pursued 
them, wounding and killing to the middle of the hill. But seeing that 
farther on the paths were so narrow and rough, they retreated before the 
heavy artillery fire from the heights and the large stones hurled down 
upon them and returned to their quarters. Upon many other days efforts 
were made to reach the fort, but without any result. Thereupon Ga- 
llinato, in consideration of the war being prolonged beyond what had 
been expected, built two forts, one where he kept his ships in order to 
defend them and the port; and the other one-half league farther on in 
a suitable place where they could take refuge and communicate with the 
camp. The forts were built of wood and fascines and fortified with the 
artillery from the ships. The Spaniards shut themselves up in these 
forts, whence from time to time they sallied, making incursions as far as 
the enem/s fort. The latter always remained shut up in their fort 
without ever choosing to come down or to yield ; for he was convinced that 


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the Spaniards could not remain long in the island. When Gallinato saw 
that the rains were fast setting in, that his men were becoming ill, and 
that his provisions were failing without his having accomplished the 
desired task, and that it could not be accomplished with his remaining 
resources, and that the enemy from Mindanao with other allies of theirs 
were boasting that they were gathering a large fleet in order to drive the 
Spaniards from Jolo, he sent news of all that had occurred to the gov- 
ernor of Manila, with a plan of the island and fort and a relation of the 
difficulties which the enterprise presented. He sent this in a vessel, by 
Capt. and Sargento-mayor Pedro Cotelo de Morales, toward the end of 
May of the year 1602, in order to obtain instructions as to his procedure, 
and the necessary reenforcement of men and provisions. The captain 
was charged to return quickly with the answer. * . * * 

At the same time that Governor Don Pedro de Acuna entered upon 
his administration, the captain and sargento-mayor, Pedro Cotelo de 
Morales, arrived from Jolo with the advices and report of Juan Xuarez 
Gallinato concerning the state of affairs in that island, whither he had 
gone with the fleet at the beginning of that same year. The governor, 
on account of the importance of the matter, wished to make every effort 
possible, and determined to send him supplies and a reenforcement of 
some men, which lie did as soon as possible. He was ordered to at least 
make an effort to punish that enemy, even if he could do nothing more, 
and whenever the opportunity presented itself, to go to do the same thing 
in the river of Mindanao, and return to the Pintados [Bisayas]. When 
this commission reached Jolo Gallinato was already so worn out, and 
his men so ill, that the reenforcements only made it possible for him 
to get away from there ; accordingly without seeing to another thing, he 
broke camp, burned the forts which he had built, embarked, and went 
to Pintados, leaving the people of that Island of Sulu and their neighbors, 
those of Mindanao, emboldened more than ever to make raids against the 
Pintados, and the islands within, which they did. 

The governor, without delaying any longer in Manila, hastily started 
for the Island of Panay and the town of Ar^valo, in a galliot and other 
small vessels, to see their needs with his own eyes, in order to provide 
for them. He left war matters in Manila, during his absence, in charge 
of Licentiate Don Antonio de Ribera, auditor of the Audiencia. 

As soon as the governor left ^lanila, the auditor had plenty to look 
after, because a squadron of 20 ra racoon and other vessels from Mindanao 
entered the islands as far as the Island of Luzon and its coasts, making 
captures. Having taken some ships bound from Cebu to Manila, they 
captured 10 Spaniards in them, among them a woman and a priest and 
Capt. Martin de Mandia, and they took them off with them. They en- 
tered Calilaya, burned the cliurch and all the town, and captured many 


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persons of all classes among the natives. Thence they passed to the town 
of Bala van to do the same, but the auditor, having received news of the 
enemy in Manila, had it already in a state of defense with 50 Spaniards 
and a captain and some vessels. Consequently, they did not dare to 
enter the town or its baV;, but crossed over to Mindoro, where, in the 
principal town, they captured many men, women, and children among 
the natives, seizing their gold and possessions, and burning their houses 
and church, where they captured the prebendary Corral, curate of that 
doctrina. They filled their own ships, and others which they seized 
there, with captives, gold, and property, staying in the port of Mindoro 
as leisurely as though in their own land, notwithstanding that it is but 
24 leagues from Afanila. Capt. Martin de Mendia, prisoner of these 
pirates, offered, for himself and the other Spanish captives that, if they 
would let him go to Manila, he w^ould get the ransom for all, and would 
take it, or would send it within six months, to the river of Mindanao, or 
otherwise he would return to their power. The chief in command of 
the fleet agreed thereto, with certain provisions and conditions, and 
caused the other captives to write to the effect that what had been 
agreed upon might be fulfilled, and then he allowed- the captain to leave 
the fl(»et. The latter came to the city, and upon receiving his report, 
the auditor sent munitions, ships, and more men to Balayan than there 
were there already, with orders to go in pursuit of the enemy without 
delay, saying that they would find him in Mindoro. Capt. Gaspar Perez, 
who had charge of this in Balayan, did not start so quickly as he should 
have done in order to find the enemy in Mindoro, for when he arrived 
he found that he had left that port six days before, laden with ships and 
booty, to return to Mindanao. Then he went in pursuit of him, although 
somewhat slowly. The enemy put into the river of a little uninhabited 
island to get water and wood. Just at that time Governor Don Pedro 
de Acufia, who wa^ hastily returning to Manila, from the town of Arevalo. 
M'here he had learned of the incursion of those pirates, passed. He 
passed so near the mouth of the river, in two small champanes ^ and a 
virrey,^ with very few men, that it was a wonder that he was not seen and 
capture<l by the enemy. He learned that the enemy was there, from a 
boat of natives which was escaping therefrom, and then he met Gaspar 
Perez going in search of the enemy with twelve vessels — caracoas and 
rirreys and some large champanes. The governor made him make more 
haste and gave him some of his own men to guide him to where he had 
left the pirates the day before, whereupon they went to attack them. But 
the latter i»spied the fleet through their sentinels whom they had already 
stationed in the sea, outside the river. Accordingly they left the river 
in haste, and took to flight, throwing into the sea goods and slaves in 

* Sailing vessels. 


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order to flee more lightly. Their flagship and almiranta caracoas pro- 
tected the ships which were dropping behind and made them throw over- 
board what they could and work with all the strength of their paddles, 
assisted by tlieir sails. The Spanish fleet, the vessels of which were not 
so light, could not put forth enough strength to overtake all of them, 
i>ecau8e, furthermore, they went into tlie open without fear of the heavy 
seas which were running, inasmuch as they were fleeing. Yet some of the 
ships of Capt. Gaspar Perez, being lighter, got the enemy's fleet, sunk some 
caracoas, and captured two, but the rest escaped, although with great 
danger of being lost. Without accomplishing anything else, the fleet 
returned to Manila where the governor had already entered, very much 
disturbed that things should have come to such a pass that these enemies, 
who had never dared to leave their houses, should have been so daring 
and bold as to come to the very gates of the city, doing great damage and 
making captures. 


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Appendix V 


[Relation of events in the Philippine Islands and other surrounding regions, from the 
month of July. 1629, until that of 1630.] » 

I shall commence the affairs of these islands with the expedition to 
Jolo. It is an island of the Archipelago, rebellious for years past, and 
its natives, who are Mohammedans, have made a thousand incursions 
against us in these islands, pillaging whenever opportunity arises, burn- 
ing villages and churches, and capturing numerous people. 

In order to remedy all these evils, Governor Don Juan Nino de Ta- 
bora determined to equip a powerful fleet in order to destroy that enemy 
and conquer a stronghold which nature has made in their island so lofty 
and so difficult of approach that there is no better stone castle, for the 
approach to it is by one path, and it has some artillery which defends 
it. The people are courageous and warlike. For our fleet were col- 
lected 1 galley, 3 brigantines, 12 freight champanes (which are like small 
pataches,^ and about 50 caracoas. The last named are the usual craft 
of these islands, and generally have thirty or forty oars on a side. All 
these vessels together carried about 400 Spaniards and 2,500 Indians, 
and they had considerable apparatus and war supplies. It was quite 
sufficient for another conquest of greater importance than the one on 
which they were going. 

All that fleet departed, then, from the port of Dapitan on March 17. 
Dapitan is the port nearest to the enemy, and the Island of Sulu was 
reached in [blank space in the Ventura del Arco MS.] days. At dawn 
our men were landed, and began the ascent to the stronghold. The mas- 
ter-of-camp, Don Lorenzo de Olaso, who was commander in chief of 
the fleet, preceded the men. The Sulus defended thefr stronghold with 
valor. They killed some of our men and wounded eight, among them 
the master-of-camp himself. He was overthrown, as if dead, and went 
rolling down the hill. However, he was not dead, but only wounded, 

iThe Philippine Islands, Blair and Robertson, XXIII, pp. 87, 88. 

* Unsigned. 

» A small vessel used as a tender to carry messages between larger vessels. 


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nothing more. Our men retired on the run, and to speak plainly, such 
terror entered into them that they did not dare to attack again. They 
skirted the island in their craft, entered the villages, burned, wrecked, 
destroyed them, and killed a few people. They brought back some cap- 
tives with them whom tlie Sulus had taken from us. A violent storm 
overtook them, wliich compelled them to weigh anchor, and they retired 
stealthily. Thus so powerful a fleet as that was lost. It was such a 
fleet that never has one like it been made for the Indies in these islands. 
The Sulu enemy were left triumpliant, and so insolent that we fear that 
they will make an end of the Islands of the Pintados [Bisayas] which 
are the nearest ones to them, and which they infest and pillage with 

great facility. 


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Appendix VI 


In my last letter I wrote to your Eeverence of the result of the first 
attack, which was unfortunate, because the ^foros repulsed us, as 1 told 
your Reverence. Not less unfortunate will be the news that I shall now 
relate,* which it is yet necessary for me to tell, in order to fulfil my 
duty and to remove the clouds arising from rumors and letters that will 
go there. I am here and see everything; and there is never a lack of 
those who tell many new things and exaggerate matters that are not so 
great as they will relate and descant there, where no one can report and 
declare what has happened. It is as follows : 

Since that attack, we have made two others. The first was with five 
mines which we had made, with which we expected to blow up a great part 
of those walls. All of the mines were fired, and thinking that they would 
cause the same effects as the others our men retired farther than they 
ought to have done. Four of the mines exploded, and did not a little 
damage among the enemy. They, full of fear, fled down from their posi- 
tion; but, as the mines did not make the noise that we expected, we did 
not, accordingly, get there in time, as we were quite distant because of our 
fear lest the mines do us harm. The Moros retook their position, so 
that we were repulsed this time, as we had been the other, with the 
death of a captain, while some men were wounded. The fifth mine was 
left, and did not explode that time. Hence its mouth was looked for, 
and having found it, we tried two days after that to make another 
assault. The assault was made after the mine had exploded. That 
mine was larger than the others had been, and caused much damage. But 
the Moros fortified themselves again, with greater strength than they had 
the last two times, and defended themselves in their trenches, which had 
been fortified with many stockades and terrepleins, so that we could not 
enter. We lost some soldiers on that occasion, who tried to show that they 
were bold and valiant. Among them was the sargento-mayor, Melon, 
who was struck by a ball which passed through him and carried him off 

> The Philippine Islands, Blair and Robertson, XXVIII. pp. 41-63. 
"In the manuscript that we follow the letter of March 31 is given second, while that 
of April 5 is given first ; we have arranged them chronologically. 


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in two days. May God rest his soul! Tliereupon, we retired to our 
posts and endeavored to collect our men and carry away tlie wounded, who 
were many. We have lost four captains of renown in these three 
assaults — namely, Captain Pimienta, Captain Juan Nicolas, Captain Don 
Pedro de Mena, and Sargento-mayor (lonzales de Caseres Melon. Besides 
these three assaults, anotlier misfortune happened to us on St. Matthew's 
day, which was as follows: Captain Rafael Ome, going with forty-six 
men and two hundred Indians to make a garo^ (as we say here), and 
having taken up quarters in a field, where there was a fortified house, 
arranged his posts at intervals and ordered his men to be on their guard. 
But since man proposes and God disposes, the posts were either careless, 
or God ordained it thus; for suddenly the enemy rushed upon our men, 
who could not unite, as they were by that time scattered through the 
forest. The enemy, having caught them off their guard, made a pastime 
of it, killing twenty-six men, and carrying off arms, powder, balls and 
fuses. I regard that event as the greatest of all our losses. Among those 
of our men killed there by the enemy was Captain Lopez Suarez, a fine 
soldier. Our men were not disheartened by these reverses, except such 
and such men. The governor well sustains the undertaking with [all 
his powers of] mind and body. He has surrounded the entire hill with 
a stockade and a ditch, and has sown the ground with sharp stakes so that 
the enemy may neither receive aid nor sally out from it. At intervals 
there are sentry-posts and towers, so close that they almost touch. There 
were six barracks along it, so that if any tower should be in need the 
soldiers in them could go to its defense. Some of them have six men, 
others four, and those which have three men, as a guard. The 
enclosure is one league long and surrounds the hill. I do not know 
which causes the more wonder, the fort of the Moros or the enclosure 
of the Spaniards which restrains the Moros, so that they issue but seldom, 
and then at their peril. We are day by day making gradual advances 
Today a rampart was completed which is just even with their stockades, 
so that we shall command the hill equally [with the enemy]. God 
helping, I hope that we shall reduce their trenches, and then we shall 
advance from better to better. May God aid us; and si Domimis a cus- 
todiprit civitatcm fruMra vigilat qui cuModit eamy Father, prayers and 
many of them are needed. Will your Reverence have them said in your 
holy college, and excuse me and all of us for what we can not do. I 
forward this letter, | hoping] for its good fortune in the holy sacrifices 
of your Reverence, etc. Jolo, March 31, 1638. To the father-prior of 

■ Garo: probably the same as garita; a fortified outpost. 

•»The translation of this passage seems to be, "If God fights against a city, he who 
guards it watches in vain." The difficulty lies in "a custodierit," which we translate as 
"fights against." 


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corcuera's campaign in jolo 293 


I would like to be the bearer of this letter, and to fulfil my desires 
of seeing your Eeverence and all the fathers and brothers of your 
Reverence^s holy college. That is a proposition for which credit may 
be given me, but the time gives space only to suffer; and thus do we 
have to accommodate ourselves to it, and to clieck our desires, drawing 
strength from weakness. I must content myself with writing, which 
would be a pleasant task, if I could do it at my leisure, and not so 
hastily as I have made known in certain letters that 1 have sent to your 
Eeverence — not losing or neglecting any occasion at which 1 could write. 
And so that this opportunity should not pass without a letter from me, 
I have hastened my pen beyond my usual custom, and have written very 
concisely and briefly — although I could write at greater length, and 
give account of many things which I leave for a better occasion. That 
will be when it is the Lord's pleasure for us to see each other. More- 
over, I have no pleasant news to write, since that which I could write 
would all be to the effect that we have not gained this enchanted hill; 
and that, at the times when we have tempted fortune, we have retired 
with loss of some men and many wounded. 

Continuing, then, in the same style as the last letter, 1 declare that 
since the first assault, in which we were driven back with the loss of 
Captain Don Pedro Mena Pando, Adjutant Oliva, and Alferez Trigita, 
we have made two other assaults. One was on the twenty-fourth of 
March, the eve of our Lady of the Assumption. The second was on the 
twenty-eighth of tlie same month. In the first, we trusted to the mines 
that had been made, by means of which we expected to make a safe 
entrance. We would have made it had our fear of receiving harm from 
them matched the little fear of the enemy — who, as barbarians, did not 
prepare for flight, although they knew our designs. Of the five mines, 
four blew up; and as was seen, and as we afterward learned here from 
some captives, there was a great loss to the enemy. As soon as they 
saw the fire, they took to flight; but our men, being at a distance, could 
not come up to seize the posts that the enemy abandoned, until very late. 
That gave the Moros time to take precautions, so that when we had 
come up, it was impossible to gain a single thing which the mines had 
given us. On that occasion both sides fought very valiently. The 
wounded on our side were not many, and our dead even fewer ; among the 
later was Captain Pimienta. We were forced to return to our posts 
without having gained more than the damage wrought by the mines. The 
loss of those people was considerable, while not few of them perished 
because of the severity of our fire. But with the opportunity of the 
fifth mine which remained (which could not have its effect, because the 


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iire-channel of the otliers choked it), the third attack was made inside 
of two days, by first setting fire to that mine, and by arranging the 
men better tlian on the day of the previous assault. They were set in 
array by the governor, who in person came up to these quarters on that 
occasion. They set fire to the mine, and more was accomplislied than 
on the preceding days. Many of the enemy were killed ; but, as the 
entrance was so deeply recessed, it could not be forced so freely by us, 
for the Moros were able to defend it from us, with so great valor that 
we could not take it. Our men fought with so great spirit and courage 
that it was necessary for the leaders to use force with them in order to 
get the men to retire, when they saw the so superior force of the enemy. 
On that occasion they killed seven of our men, besides wounding many. 
Among the latter was Sargento-mayor Melon, who was shot through 
the lung by a ball. He died on the second day, to the grief of all this 
army. Thereupon his Lordship made his men retire to their quarters, 
and commanded that the fort should not be attacked, but that they 
should proceed to gain it by the complete blockade of the enemy, as we 
are doing. By this method, I think that we shall make an entrance 
into the fort. Already we have one bulwark, which we have made level 
with their entrenchments; and we are raising our works one and one- 
half varas^ above them, so that we are dislodging them with our artillery. 
They are retiring to the interior of their fort. By this means we hope 
to gain entrance into all their forts; and, once masters of them, I trust 
by God^s help that we shall conquer their stronghold, and that they will 
humble themselves to obey God and the king. 

Before those assaults, on St. Matthew's day. Captain Raphael Ome 
went out to make a garo, as they say here, and to overrun the country. 
In this island the level country is heavily wooded as nearly all of it is 
mountainous. He took in his company about fifty men (i.e., Spaniards) 
and two hundred Karaga Indians. The captain reached a field, and 
having lodged in a fortified house, such as nearly all those houses are 
(for those Indians of tlie mountain, who are called (luimennos,^ build 
them for their defense), he placed his sentries and seized the positions 
that he judged most dangerous. But since non est volentis neque 
currentis, etc., either because of the great multitude and the wiliness 
of the enemy, or (as is more certain) because the sentries were careless, 
and the other men asleep, the enemy came suddenly and attacked our 
soldiers — with so great fury tliat they killed twenty-six men, among 
whom was Captain Lopez Suarez, a brave soldier. The leader and cap- 
tain, Ome, was in great danger. He fought in person with so great valor 
that, although nm through with a spear, he attacked and defeated his 
opponent, laying him dead at his feet. Few of our men aided him, and 

^ A Spanish measure of length which is about equal to 1 yard, EngHsh measure. 
^ The Gimbahans or Sulus of the interior mountains. 


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coKCi era's campaign in jolo 295 

many of them retreated immediately, thus allowing the enemy to capture 
from us twenty firearms, with fuses, powder, and balls. That was a 
great loss, and it is certain that we have not hitherto had a greater. 
And if any loss has occurred, it has been due to the neglect and con- 
fidence of the Spaniard. 

Today two Basilan Indians came down from the hill to ask for mercy, 
and for passage to their own country. They say that they are sent by 
the datus in the stronghold who came from that island of Basilan or 
Tagima; and that, if permission and pardon were given to them by the 
pari [i.e., Corcuera], one hundred and thirty of them would come 
down in the morning. We regard this. as a trick of that Moro; and, 
although it may be as they say, we are taking precautions, and are 
watching for whatever may happen. If they should come, they will be 
well received ; and that will not be a bad beginning to induce others to 
come from the hill. I shall advise your Keverence of such event on the 
first occasion. What we know that they are suffering within [the fort] 
is the disease of smallpox and discharges of blood, together with great 
famine; because we have surrounded the entire hill with ditches and 
stockades, set with sharp stakes, which run around it for more than 
one and one-half leagues, and within musket-shot [of their fort] is a 
sentry-post [garita'] or tower in which three men and three Bantayas are 
staying. By that means the enemy cannot enter or go out without 
being seen; and, when they do that, they are given such a bombardment 
that scarcely does any one dare to go outside of their walls. The hill 
is a' beautiful sight, and if it were enjoying holy peace instead of war, 
it would be no small matter of entertainment and recreation to survey 
the landscape at times. The Moro does not like to see us, and is looking 
at us continually from his stronghold and yelling and scoffing at us — as 
they say sometimes that the Spaniards are chickens; again, that they 
are sihabuyes,'^ and again, that they will come to set fire to us all, and 
kill us. The Moro is a great rascal and buffoon. I trust in God that 
in a little while He will be ready for our thanksgivings [for the defeat 
of the Moros]. Will your Keverence urge His servants to aid us with 
their sacrifices and prayers. Those, I believe, it will be that must give 
us the victory, and that must humble the arrogance of this Mohammedan. 
His Lordship is displaying great firmness and patience, as he is so great 
a soldier. Already has he almost raised a stone fort on the beach, for 
he intends to leave a presidio here, and I think that it will be almost 
finished before he leaves. Xothing else occurs to me. Of whatever else 
may happen, your Keverence' will be advised on the fii'st occasion. If I 
have gone to considerable length in this letter, it is because I have known, 
one day ahead, of the departure of this chanipan. I commend myself 

» Babui, in their language, signifies "pig" ; apparently they called the Spaniards 
"swine," as expressing the acme of contempt for their besiegers. 


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many times to the holy sacrifices of your Reverence. This letter will 
also serve for our father provincial, etc. Jolo, April 5, one thousand 
six hundred and thirty-eight. 

Tlie Moro has returned today witli a letter from the queen and all 
the stronghold, in which they beg pardon and humiliate themselves. 
May God grant it, and bring them to His knowledge. I shall advise 
you of the result. I hear that Datu Ache is dead. If that is so, then 
the end has come. Today, the sixth of the above month. 


TJeo gratias qui dedit nobis victoriam per Jesum Christum Dominum 
nostrum.^ I have written your Reverence another letter, by way of 
Oton, telling you that it was our Lord's pleasure to give us a joyous 
Easter-tide, the beginning of what has happened. His Divine Majesty 
has chosen to bestow upon us an overflowing blessing, by the reduction 
of these Moros so that they should come, abased and humiliated, to beg 
His governor for mercy; for, whether it was the latter's plan to go to 
treat for peace at Basilan for their men, or whether they should send 
them all, that they might see how the governor viewed their petition, the 
following day they came with letters from the queen ** for Father Pedro 
Gutierrez and his Lordship. Therein she begged the father to protect 
her, for she wished to come to throw herself at the feet of the hai-i of 
Manila, and to beg his pardon for the obstinacy that they had shown 
hitherto. The father answered for his Lordship, in regard to the par- 
don, that if they agreed to do what was right, they would be very gladly 
pardoned; but that in regard to their coming it was not time, until 
they would humbly give up the arms which they had taken from us, 
and the captives, vessels, and holy ornaments; and that, even though 
the queen had so great authority, so long as the king did not come, he 
must declare and show his willingness to accept what the queen had 
written. Accordingly, the king wrote to the same father and to liis 
Lordship next day, begging the same thing and more earnestly. But 
he was not allowed to come— which he urgently entreated — until they 
should have given up the arms and other things of which they robbed 
us. Difficulties aiose over this point, as to which of the two things was 
to be done first. The Moro declared that he wished to treat first of the 
peace, and the points on which they were to agree; and therefore it was 
necessary to see the hart of Manila first of all. But Don Sebastian, as 
he was so experienced in these matters of war (in which God has inspired 
him with so wise resolutions, and given him even better results) held 

■ "Thanks be to God who has given us the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ." 
»» Combos says (Hist. Mindanao, Reana's ed., column 264 that this queen, named Tuan 
Baluka, was a native of Basilan, and that she had acquired such ascendency over her 
husband that the government of Sulu was entirely in her hands. This statement explains 
the presence of the Basilan men in the Sulu stronghold. 


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corgukra's campaign in jolo 297 

firm to his proiX)Hals. Two days ])asso(l, but at last the king agreed to 
the terms, by giving up the pieces of artillery which he had captured 
from us. There were four iron pieces; and, in place of one which had 
burst, one of bronze was requested, which many mines had buried. 
Afterward we found the broken piece, by opening the mouth of one of 
the mines; and he gave it to us willingly — saying that he had thus 
brought the broken piece, and that he ought not for that reason to give 
another in its place; and that which had been asked from him had been 
bought for forty basines of gold at Makassar. In order that the Span- 
iards might see what an earnest desire for a permanent peace was in his 
heart, and that he was greatly inclined to it, he sent also some muskets, 
although few and poor ones. In what pertained to the captives, he said 
that he would surrender those that he had, but that he could not per- 
suade his datus to give up theirs; still he would ask them to give their 
captives. At most, he sent eleven Christian captives, counting men, 
w^onien, and children. He had already s])ent the holy vessels, for, since 
it was so long a time since they had been brought, he had sold them to 
the king of Makassar; but he said that he and all his property were 
there, to satisfy the Spaniards for any injury that they had received. 
The king , petitioned his Lordship to allow him to visit him; and his 
Lordship granted such permission for Quasimodo Sunday. 

The datus [sic'] were very angry that the king was so liberal, and 
because he humbled himself so deeply; accordingly, they opposed his 
leaving the hill to talk with the governor. They tried to prevent it, 
but the king overruled by the reasons which he gave to the datus, and 
which father Gregorio Belin gave to him. His Lordship gave hostages 
for the king, and ordered Captain Marquez and Captain Kaphael Ome to 
remain as such. They asked for Admiral Don Pedro de Almonte and 
two fathers, but that was not granted to them. Finally they were satisfied 
with the two said captains, persons of great esteem and worth; and the 
king came down to talk with his Lordship, accompanied by many chief 
men. His Lordship received him with such display as he could arrange 
at short notice, under a canopy of damask, and seated on a velvet chair, 
with a cushion of the same at his feet. Another cushion was placed at 
his side upon a rug. As the king entered the hall, his Lordship rose 
from his seat, and advancing two steps, embraced the Moro king; then 
he made him sit dowTi on the cushion that had been prepared. Then his 
Lordship also seated himself beside the king in his chair, while at his 
right side was his confessor, and at his left stood a captain of the guard 
and the sargento-mayor. Grouped behind the confessor were the fathers 
who were in the quarters on that occasion. There were two Augustinian 
Recollects, and one Franciscan Recollect, and a secular priest. Then 
came Father Gutierrez, and Father Gregorio Belin. The king requested 
permission to rest a little first, for he came, one of his servants fanning 


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liim {haciendole paypay), lifting up from time to time tlie chinina which 
lie wore — open in fronts, in order to catch the breeze, and to enable him 
to shelter himself from the heat, or to get rid of the fears with which 
he had come. His chief men seated themselves after him on that open 
floor, a seat very suitable for such nobility, who esteemed it as a great 
favor. Then when the king was rested, or reassurred from his fears, they 
began their discourses or hicharas, talking, after the manner of these 
people, by the medium of interpreters — namely, Father Juan de Sant 
Joseph, an Augustinian Eecollect, and Alferez Mathias de Marmolejo, 
both good interpreters. The governor set forth his conditions. The 
agreement made was: first, that the banners of the king, our sovereign, 
were to be hoisted on the stronghold ; second, that the men from Basilan 
were to be permitted to leave the stronghold and go to their country; 
third, that the Macassars and Malays were also to leave and return to 
their OM^n lands; and fourtli, in order that the first condition might be 
fulfilled without the rattle of arms and the shedding of blood, all the 
enemy were to come down to our quarters, while the king and queen and 
their family could come to that of the governor. The Moro king did not 
like this last point; but, as he saw that mattei-s were ill disposed for 
his defense, he had to assent to everything. But, before its execution, 
he begged his Lordship to communicate the terms with his men and 
datus, saying that he would endeavor to get them all to agree to the 
fulfilment of what his Lordship ordered ; and that in a day and a half 
he would reply and, in what pertained to the other conditions, they would 
be immediately executed. This happened, for the Basilans descended in 
two days with all their men and families — in all, one hundred and forty- 
seven. Some fifty or sixty did not then descend, as they were unable to 
do so. The Macassars refused to descend until they received pardon from 
his Lordship, and a passport to their own country. Therefore their 
ca})tain came to talk with his Lordship, who discussed with him what 
was to be done with him and his men. The latter are very humble and 
compliant to whatever his Lordship should order. His Lordship an- 
swered that he would pardon their insolent and evil actions, and they 
could descend with security of life; and that he would give them boats, 
so that they could go away. Thereupon the captain, giving a kris as 
security that they would come, returned, and immediately began to 
biing down his property and men. The ^lalays came with them, for all 
those peoples had united against the Oastilians. They are the ones who 
have done us most harm with their firearms, and have furnished quan- 
tities of ammunition for all the firearms of the Sulus. At the end of 
the time assigned to the king for answering his T^ordship in regard to the 
matters which he had discussed with him, he was summoned, in order 
that what had been recently concluded might not be hindered, as his 
Lordship had many matters to which to attend. If he would not come, 


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coucuera's campaign in jolo 299 

his Ijordship was resolved immediately*to continue liis bombardment and 
fortifications, saying that he wouhl make slaves of all whom he captured. 
With this resolution, the queen determined to come to visit his Lord- 
ship; and, so saying and doing, slie summoned her chair, and had herself 
carried down to the quarters of Don Pedro de Almonte, which is the one 
located on their hill, and which has given them so nmch to do. Slie sent 
a message to the governor, begging him to grant her })ermission, as she 
wished to see him. His Lordship sent a message to Iier, to the effect that 
he would be \ery glad to see her, and that she would be coming at a 
seasonable time. She came to the hall borne on the shoulders of her 
men, accompanied by some of her ladies and by her kasis, who was 
coming with pale face. She alighted at the door of his Lordship's hall. 
He went out to receive her, and with marked indications of friendship 
and kindness led her to her seat, which was a cushion of purple velvet; 
and his Lordship, seated in his own chair, welcomed her through his 
interpreter, Alferez Mathias de Marmolexo. She responded very cour- 
teously to the eoui-tesies of the governor; for the Moro woman is very 
intelligent, and of great capacity. She did not speak directly to tlie 
interpreters, but through two of her men, one of whom was the kasis; 
and often he, without the queen speaking, answered to what was proposed. 
The queen petitioned and entreated the governor to desist from entering 
the stronghold, for the women, being timid creatures, feared the soldiers 
greatly. And if his Lordship was doing it to oblige her and the king 
her husband to descend, she said that they would descend immediately, 
with all their people. Thus did she entreat from him whom his Ix)rd8hip 
represented; and I desired that she should obtain this favor. His Lord- 
ship answered her that he would do so very willingly ; but that he had 
an express mandate for it [i. e., to gain the fort] from his king, and 
that, if he did not obey it, he would lose his head. "I do not wish/' 
said Tuan Baluka (for such is the name of the queen), "that the favor 
which I petition be at so great a price and danger to your Lordship. 
Consequently, will you kindly grant me three days ? and in that time I. 
the king, and our people will descend without fail." His Lordship 
thanked her anew, and added that with this she obliged him to fulfil 
strictly what he had promised her. "Indeed/' said the queen, "I have 
no doubt of it ; for, being in the gaze of so many nations that your Lord- 
ship has to conquer, it is clear that you must fulfil what you have 
promised me; for your Lordship's actions toward me would be under- 
stood by all to be those that you would have to perform toward all." 
This terminated the discussion. His Lordship ordered a collation to be 
spread for the queen and her ladies; and then his TA)rdship retired, so 
that they might refresh tliemselves without any embarrassment. Then, 
having dined, the queen returned to her stronghold with the retinue that 
she had brought. Before she left the quarters she was saluted by the 

71296 13 


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discharge of two large pieces of artilleiy, which had been made ready for 
that purpose. She was greatly pleased by that, and the next day began 
to ceLTij out her promises, by sending down a portion of her possessions. 
The Makassars and Malays also brought down their property with her, 
and immediately embarked. 1 had written up to this point to this day, 
Saturday, the seventeenth of this month of April, hoping for the end of 
all these incipient results and expected events regarding this stronghold; 
the issue has been such as we could expect from Him who has also been 
pleased to arrange and bring it to pass. Last night the queen came down 
to sleep in our camp or quarters, with some of her ladies. In the morn- 
ing she went to report her good treatment to her people; for she was 
received with a salute of musketry and large artillery, and a fine repast. 
All that has been done to oblige her to encourage her people, for they 
were very fearful, to descend immediately. More than two thousand 
have now descended, and our banners are flying on the hill, and our 
men are fortified on it. May God be praised, to whom be a thousand 
thanks given; for He, without our knowledge or our expectations, has 
disposed this matter thus — blinding this Moro and disheartening him, 
so that, having been defeated, he should surrender to our governor, and 
give himself up without more bloodshed. We are trying to secure Datu 
Ache; if we succeed in this, T shall advise you. Now there is nothing 
more to say, reverend Father, except to give God the thanks, for He is 
the one who has prepared and given this victory to us ; and to beg all in 
your Reverence's holy college to give thanks that the college has had (as 
I am very certain) so great a share in the achievements [here]. The 
governor is very much pleased and we all regard him in the proper light. 
The men are full of courage, and even what was carefully done is now 
improved. I am the humble servant of your Reverence whom I pray 
that God may preserve as T desire, and to whose sacrifices I earnestly 
commend myself. Jolo, April 17, 1638. — Juan de Barrios. 

All the Sulus descended, in number about four thousand six hundred, 
to the sea. Finding themselves down and outside the enclosure, they 
all fled, under cover of a very heavy shower of rain — leaving all their 
possessions, in order not to l>e hindered in their flight. Many mothers 
even abandoned their little children. One abandoned to us a little girl 
who had received a dagger-stroke, who received the waters of baptism and 
immediately died. There is much to say about tliis, and many thanks to 
give to God, of which we shall speak when it pleases God to let us see 
each other. Today, the nineteenth of this month of April, 1G38. — 

The governor sent messages to the king and queen hy two kasi^, 
asking why they had fled. They replied that since all their people had 
fled, they had gone after them for very shame, but that they would try 
to bring them back and to come, and this was the end of the matter. 


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The result was exceedingly profitable for our soldiers and Indians; foi 
the Sulus, fearful because they thought that, if they became scattered, 
they would all be killed, abandoned whatever they were carrying — 
quantities of goods, and chests of drawers — which our soldiers sacked. 
Above, in the stronghold, they found much plunder. It is believed 
that the king and queen will return, but not Datu Ache; but this is not 
considered certain. 

Letter from Sanboangan^ 


I am not writing to anyone [else], for the lack of time does not allow 
me to do so. Therefore will your Reverence please communicate this to 
the father provincial, Father Hernandez Perez, Father Juan de Bueras, 
and the father rector of Cavite. 

When our men were most disheartened at seeing that the fortress on the 
hill was so extensive, and that it was becoming stronger daily ; that the 
mines and artillery had seemingly made no impression on it; that we 
had been repulsed four times; and that our men were falling sick 
very rapidly: in order that it might be very evident that it was [all] the 
work of God, ambassadors came from the hill to beg his Lordship for 
mercy. He received them gladly, and asked them for the artillery that 
they had plundered from the Christians, etc. They brought down four 
pieces, which they had taken from the shipyard, and .brought to us some 
Christians. Next day, more than one hundred and fifty people from 
Basilan descended, who surrendered their arms, and then about fifty 
Makassars, who did the same; and all ivere embarked in the patache. 

Next day the king and queen went down and slept in the camp of Don 
Sebastian. On the following day (which was the day agreed upon when 
all were to descend from the hill), seeing that it was already late, the 
king and queen said that they would go to get their people. The gov- 
ernor granted them permission, and went to a camp that was located 
opposite the gate of the stonghold. All the Sulus descended, carrying 
their goods, arms, etc., to the number of about four hundred soldiers, and 
more than one thousand five hundred women, children, old men, etc. 
They reached the governor's camp and Don Pedro de Francia told the 
king that they must sui-render tlieir arms. The latter replied that he 
would surrender tliem to none other than to the governor. Thereupon, 
they went to summon his Lordship ; but the Sulus, seeing that tliey were 
going to summon him, fled, under a heavy shower that was falling, and 
abandoned all their goods. A vast amount of riches, many pieces of 
artillery, and versos,^ falcons, muskets, arquebuses, etc., were found. 

^ Zamboanga, the correct speUing Is Samboangan. 
2 Culverins of smaU bore. 


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The cause of the Moros fleeing was their great fear that they were to 
be killed. On our part, since Don Sebastian Hurtado held all their 
stronghold, and had left only thirty men in his quarters (in order that 
Datu Ache might not escape), and as that number could not resist so 
many people, the Sulus were, on the contrary, allowed to go without any 
firearms being discharged. 

More than two hundred and fifty of the Sulus have died, and they 
were perishing in great numbers from dysentery because the women and 
children were placed under ground for fear of the balls. That and the 
fear of the mines caused their surrender; for it was impossible to take 
their fort by assault. The interior strength of that stronghold is so 
great that the Spaniards were surprised ; and all recognize that it has been 
totally the work of God, and [a result of] the perseverance of Don 
Sebastian, who ever said that all must die or capture the stronghold. 
Somewhat more than two hundred Christian and more than one hundred 
Moro women have come from the stronghold during this time. All the 
Moro women are fearful. Up to date eighty-three Spaniards have died 
from wounds, and many of them from disease. 


Sargento-mayor Melon 
Captain Don Pedro de Mena 
Captain Don Juan Nicolas 
Captain Don Pimienta 
Captain Don Lope Suarez 


Captain Don Aregita Martin de Avila 
Adjutant Oliba 
Adjutant Calderon 
Alf^rez Concha 
Alf^rez Alonzo Gonzalez 

I shall not name othei"s, as tliey are not so well known, and it will be 
known later. Up to date about two hundred Bisayan Indians have died, 
most of them from diseases. Don Pedro Cotoan died while en route from 
Jolo to Samboanga, in order to take back the Bisayans, who are a most 
cowardly race. Those who have done deeds of valor are the Karagas, and 
the Sulus tremble at sight of them. Don Pedro Almonte remains as 
governor and lieutenant for the captain-general at Samboangan, with one 
hundred and fifty Spaniards, as has been reported. Captain Jines Eos 
is to stay as castellan in Jolo with one hundred and eighty men — Captain 
Sarria being fortified in the stronghold with eighty men, and Jines Eos 
on the beach in a stone tower tliat is already eight stones high, with one 
hundred men. Captain Marquez is going to Buaren with fifty Spaniards, 
although no succor had been sent to Don Sebastian from Manila. All 
that has been supplied to excess is truly wonderful, for the winds have 


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corcukra's campaign in jolo 303 

brought (and it is incredible) many champanes, with more than twenty 
thousand baskets of rice, innumerable fowls, and pork, veal, beef, and 
cheeses from Cebu, which have made a very excellent provision. 

They ask for Father Martinez [and] Alexandro at Jolo [and] Father 
CaiTion at Buiaon, but without an associate. I say that, following even 
to the end of the world, I do not know to what to compare these Moros of 
Samboangan. They have paid all their tributes. This is a brief relation. 
I pray your Beverence to pardon me and commend me to God, for 
indeed what I desire is necessary. 

Samboangax, April 23, 1688." 

* This letter is unsigned ; but the transcript of it made by Ventura del Arco places it 
with others ascribed to Barrios. See detailed accounts of the expedition against Jolo 
(Sulu) in Gomb^s's Hist. Mindanao y Jold (Retana and Pastells ed.), cols. 349-368; 
Diaz's Conquistas, pp. 388—401 : Murillo Velarde's Hist. Philiplnas, fol. 92, 93 ; and 
La Concepcion's Hist. Philiplnas, V, pp. 334-351. 


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Appendix Vll 



TO SULU, JULY 15, 1751* 

Sire: Your Majesty will find in the enclosed report the resolutions 
adopted by the Committees of the War and Treasury Departments for the 
purpose of reinstating the king of Sulu, Fernando the First, whom I 
found in this capital, baptized and protected by Eoyal briefs insuring him 
the continuation of the same Royal goodwill as long as he remained a 
Christian and a friend of the nation, which seems to be his intention 
hitherto, with the help of 3 galleys, 3 barges, 1 galiot, 2 large champanes 
and other craft for war and transportation, under the orders of the 
Master-of-camp of your MajestVs infantry h^e, to whom I have given the 
instructions and orders contained in said report, to the effect that he 
should make port at Zamboanga, and from there try to subdue the rebel 
vassals, blockade the island of Sulu by sea, cut it off from all communica- 
tion with its neighbors, prevent food from being introduced, prevent and 
punish all depredations, acts of piracy and insults on the part of that 
barbarous nation against the town and vassals of your Majesty of which 
I receive pitiful complaints every day, and see that the captives are 
returned and that due observance is given the treaties of peace and other 
agreements which were made by my predecessor but have not proved to 
be as satisfactory as might have been hoped, on account of the inconstancy 
which characterizes that nation. 

Before undertaking such an important operation, I decided to order 
the construction of three average sized galleys, and other small vessels, 
of which there were none in these Islands; and to arm them I ordered 
to be cast 100 pen-ier cannon of calibre 2, with three chambers each, 
ordering the tranfer to the province of Iloilo of General Francisco 
Domingo Oscoti, as Lieutenant-Intendant-General, with instructions to 
prepare provisions at the smallest cost for the Treasury, and directing 
him to issue a proclamation (as he did) calling for volunteers, who 
would be rewarded according to their merits on the ships plying between 
Manila and Acapulco, and authorizing the natives to arm boats at their 
expense, exempting them of all taxes during the expedition. As I was 

1 From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 


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in possession of a rescript of your Majesty addressed to his Field Marshal 
my predecessor Gaspar de la Torre, ordering him to reconnqiter the island 
of Balabak, and Ipolote Bay, and other places of Palawan Island for the 
purpose of building a fort for the protection of the inhabitants against 
the people of Sulu, Tiron and Borneo, and to build six galleys with which 
to fight the Moros, with a report on the same object presented by the 
Province of Saint Nicholas of these Islands,* both of which have been 
communicated to said Committees of the War and Treasury Departments 
and to i)er8on8 who had knowledge by experience of the said province and 
regions; also, in view of the poor condition of the Eoyal treasury which 
precluded the possiljility of greater expenses it was decided, in accordance 
with the opinion of your Majesty's Fiscal [Attorney General] in regard 
to the above mentioned instruments, to incorporate them to said report 
(or record)," as they are of the same nature, to take, when there was a 
better opportunity, the proper measures for reconnoitering the most 
favorable position for the intended fort, and to await the result of the 
expedition for the reinstatement of the king of Sulu, so as to request 
him, if the result should be favorable, to withdraw his vassals from the 
fort of Ipolote, and, if not, to secure the safety of the people of the said 
island by driving them out ; and having already ordered, as I have said, 
the construction of the galleys, which were necessary and made more so 
by your Royal order, to continue the work until the six were built, said 
work being carried on with the utmost care and economy, which I 
always bear in mind in my zeal for the service of your Majesty. 

I will send your Majesty full reports on the progress of these different 
undertakings, so that your Royal orders may let me know your Royal 
pleasure,, which will always meet with my humble obedience. 

God give the Royal and Catholic Person of your Majesty the many 
years of life which are require<l by Christendom for the happiness of 
your vast dominions. 

Manila, July 15, 1751. 

1 The Recoletoa or barefoot Augustinian friars. 

' Spanish expediente, the coUection of all the papers referring to a single subject. 


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Appendix Vlll 



SULU, JUNE i8, 1752' 

Sire: In a letter addressed to your Majesty last year, 1751, I for- 
warded a report and vouchers to the effect that I had sent, with the 
King of Sulu, Fernando the First, to the fortified station of Zamboanga, 
a fleet of 3 galleys, two feluccas, two galiots and two large champanes, 
with other craft, under the Master-of-camp ^ of the Royal troops here, for 
the purpose of restoring said king to his throne and forcing his rebel 
vassals to submit, by means of a blocJiade of the island of Sulu, which 
would cut it off from all communication with its neighbors and prevent 
the importation of food to the island, other provisions being made for 
the purpose of protecting the Christian communities against any further 
harm on the part of the Sulu people and the Tirons.^ I have the honor 
to report now that the said Master-of-camp arrived at Zamboanga with 
most of the fleet, ahead of the Sultan of Sulu, who had been delayed by 
various accidents, and sailed at once, in order to avoid the monsoon, for 
the Bay of Jolo, where he anchored on the 26th of June of that year, 
at about one mile from the forts. He formed line of battle, and, notic- 
ing two Chinese champanes. without flags, that were stationed near the 
river mouth and were stretching two lines to go up stream, he ordered 
two long-boats to go and remove them from under the artillery of the 
enemy ; the Jolo forts, four in number, displayed red banners and opened 
fire with cannon of calibre 8 to 18 on the boats towing the champanes; 
our fleet answered, and the fire was kept up some time on both sides, until 
the enemy hoisted the white flag in order to gain time for reenforcing his 
trenches ; the Master-of-camp sent a letter to Prince Asin, informing him 
that his only purpose was to restore the legitimate king of Sulu to his 
dominions, and to have the captives delivered ; the prince answered that 
he had no captives to deliver; that he w^as waiting for the return of the 
king, who would do as he wished with them, that he was b^ging the 
Prophet to send back the king * * *. Finding such an answer vain 

1 From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 

' Maestro de Campo. 

'The inhabitants of Koran, northeast Borneo, pagan pirates subdued by Sulu In 1769. 


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and impertinent, our ships opened fire again; a suburb was stormed and 
burned, and our men found out that the negotiations were a pretext to 
gain time to place artillery behind the palisades ; the Moros accomplished 
this purpose and again requested a truce in order to hold a meeting of 
their leaders and to deliberate a^ to what should be done. This was 
granted, and in a second letter signed by the Datus Prince Asin insisted 
that the Master-of-camp should retire to Zamboanga, promising to bring 
over the captives; as the south-west monsoon was blowing hard and he 
was short of provisions, the latter decided to go back to Zamboanga; the 
Datus informed their king Fernando in a letter addressed to him at 
Zamboanga of what had been agreed; Prince Asin also stated verbally 
that he would bring to Zamboanga some captives whom he was going to 
seek in the woods, and asked the Master to leave the port, while he went 
after the wives and children of the foUowei-s of King Fernando, who 
had been frightened and scattered by the artillery. After a few more 
answers and objections which showed an utter lack of sincerity, the Master- 
of-camp sailed back to Zamboanga. The King of Sulu had arrived 
there on June 22, and as soon as he heard about the truce requested by 
his brother Asin, and other affairs of the fleet, he declared that the 
prince was his enemy. This statement was believed at the time, but soon 
afterwards good-sized boats began to arrive one after the other with 
many of his principal people on the pretext of Prince Asin's visit to the 
King, until there were 180 persons, including 32 women between con- 
cubines and servants. When the Master-of-camp, Governor of Zam- 
boanga, remarked tiiat all these boats were full of fireanns, powder, ball, 
coats of mail, helmets, and other warlike equipment, that the King of 
Sulu had secretly sent to his brother Asin, at Basilan, golden buckles 
and epaulets, and embroidered stockings to make a brilliant appearance at 
landing in Zamboanga, while he feigned to be his enemy; that Prince 
Asin had failed to keep his word, since he said that he had been unable 
to get hold of the captives he was to bring to Zamboanga, when it was 
known that he was keeping the said captives in a secret place, six of 
them, including a woman, having escaped by swimming over to the 
fleet when the latter was at Jolo, and reported that the Moros had many 
captives concealed in the woods; that Prince Asin had written to the 
King that all the captives seized during the latter^s stay in Manila were 
still in their power, not one having been sold while awaiting the royal 
commands ; and finally, that the King and his brother were secretly dis- 
missing the concubines only, telling them that the Master-of-camp was 
sending them away with contumely ; he inferred that the King was prepar- 
ing to surprise the fort. This surmise was strengthened by the face 
that armed men were steadily coming in each day, despite the Master-of- 
camp's friendly admonition to the King that his followers enter the fort 
unarmed. The lying and disingenuousness of the King, which all these 


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indications were making plainer every moment, were finally betrayed by 
a letter, written in Arabic characters, to the King of Mindanao, in which 
he stated that he had been compelled, by those in whose power he was, 
to write the letter he had previously sent him from Manila, — whereas he 
had enjoyed complete freedom in this capital, so complete, in fact, that 
he did not perform, during the voyage hence to Zamboanga, a single rite 
of the Christian religion, as far as known, while he was seen to perform 
various Moro religious acts, and took with him the Quran in his own 
language, instead of the numerous Catholic books which had been given 
him for his instruction. In view of all the foregoing evidence of bad 
faith, the Master-of-camp, Governor of Zamboanga, and the captains of 
the fleet decided to arrest at the same time the King, the datus and their 
men, to seize their boats, arms, and concealed ammunition, and to keep 
the whole under careful guard, the men being detained in decent quarters, 
pending the decision of the Captain-General. 

In reflecting on this important and critical change in the situation, 
I bore in mind that the said King of Sulu had been a false friend and a 
consummate Machiavellian, who had deceived your Majesty's Governor 
Fernando Valdcs Tamon with his feigned promises of peace, which he 
never kept, and that, instead of releasing the captives and preventing 
the cruel outrages of his vassals the Moros and Tirons, he had used the 
considerable supply of arms, which he received from the said Governor 
and Governor Caspar de la Torre imder the pretence of suppressing sup- 
posed rebellions of his vassals, to keep our forces busy in Sulu, so that 
his vassals the Tiron pirates might ravage the provinces, while our forces 
were engaged in the Sulu kingdom. He also deceived your Majesty's 
Governor and Bishop when a fleet was sent against the Tirons; he went 
as an ally and a pilot for the fleet among the shallows, and the small 
islands belonging to the enemy, and prevented the destruction of the 
principal towns, by misrepresenting to the commander of the expedition 
that said towns belonged to peaceful people who were friends of his, 
and pledging himself to have the prisoners returned, so that the fleet 
retired after burning only nine villages without importance, thanks to 
the cunning of the king. The trouble caused by all these Moros, thanks 
to his influence, is really astounding, and has nearly drained the Eoyal 
treasury, as, since the last peace agreement made by Governor Tamon, 
89,744 pesos have been spent from 1736 to 1740, and since then the war 
expenses have far exceeded that amount. All these criminal and astute 
antecedents fully justify my distrust in giving careful instructions to 
the Master-of-camp to avoid a surprise of the fort under the veil of 
feigned friendship ; I really expected this new act of treason on account 
of what I already knew about the said King of Sulu, and was only held 
back by the fact that he had been baptized, and the information about 
him which my predecessor had given me in good faith. As it is, all 


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the members of the Government were glad that the treachery of the 
King had been foreseen and that he had been arrested. * * * 

In Zamboanga, after his arrest, 12 krises, each in six pieces, were 
found hidden in two cushions belonging to him. * * * Urged by 
the members of the ministry, I proceeded at once to explain to the 
Real Acuerdo ^ and the council of war all the difficulty of inflicting the 
condign punishment that was deserved, and, suppoi-ted by a majority 
of votes, I decided to declare war on all the Sulus, Tirons and Kamu- 
kons, with the understanding that no capitulations or treaties of peace 
would be considered, but that they would be treated as rebels, in their 
persons, their property and their land, and put to the sword in case of 
resistance; that all their towns would be destroyed and burned; and that 
the mission of our fleet was not to make conquests, but to punish the 
rebellion and to blockade the island of Sulu so as to prevent any attempt 
to bring in food or any other help. I also directed that the King of 
Sulu, who was under arrest at Zamboanga, should be sent to Manila, 
there to be kept in confinement until the pleasure of your Majesty be 
known. The Datus and other Moros were declared to be slaves, and I 
ordered that they should be branded and marked, not so much for the 
purpose of guaranteeing the ownership of their masters or punishing 
their obstinacy, as for that of avoiding all confusion between them and 
the numerous Indians of these Islands, whom they resemble in color, 
bearing and language, of crushing their pride, their daring and their evil 
spirit, experience having shown that 8 Sulus suffice to subjugate a whole 
town, and principally of preventing the clandestine introduction of the 
sect of Mohammed, which would easily spread among the Indians, if 
the brand did not mark them as enemies from Sulu, it being known 
that the sect of Mohammed is daily extending its darkness over these 
regions. * * * 

The declaration of war against the Moros was published in all the 
provinces, which were instructed to be constantly ready for attack or 
defense; to organize companies of militia, with their officers, in aU the 
pueblos, and have them frequently drilled and reviewed, so as to become 
skilful in the use of their arms; to send a list of all the arms and am- 
munition on hand to the Captain-General, who will thus be able to 
supply them with all he may deem necessary. I furthermore ordered 
that no boat should leave Manila or any other port without being well 
provided with men and arms, and issued proclamations calling for 
privateers, several of whom have already been given letters of marque 
and have sailed with the hope of doing good service for your Majesty; 
I issued new instructions on every subject, to be followed in their respec- 
tive parts according to circumstances; I reserved for my future action 

^ Official designatioD of the Audiencia when assembled in executive session under the 
presidency of the Captain-General. 


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the disposal of our prisoners at the best terms, one fifth of the profits 
going to the Royal treasury ; the right of plundering was declared to be 
free for all, all privateers from the Bisayas were exempted from tribute, 
and I promised them in the name of your Majesty 6 pesos for each 
Moro, as an encouragement to pursue and exterminate them. As soon 
as I heard the news from Zamboanga, I sent there a supply boat with 
plenty of food, arms and soldiers, in view of the next campaign ; I took 
on. myself the care of relieving from time to time the oflBcers and soldiers 
* * * and I can sincerely assure your Majesty that I have been so 
provoked and exasperated by the untamable fierceness and the bad faith 
of the Moros, that I am decided to spare neither work nor efforts in 
order to punish them thoroughly and to deliver from oppression the 
Christian communities, so that the glorious name of your Majesty may 
be feared and respected all through my Government, in compensation 
for the gross deceit practised by said Moros upon my predecessors. I 
trust, with the help of God, to punish them as they deserve, and will 
report to your Majesty the progress of the expedition. 

God keep the Catholic and Royal Person of your Majesty many years, 
as Christendom and the Monarchy have need. 

Manila, June 18, 1152. 


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Appendix IX 

BALABAK, APRIL 30, 1753' 

Sire : By letter forwarded to your Majesty through confidential chan- 
nels under date of * * * I reported that I had despatched an em- 
bassador to the King of Bruney, informing him of the arrest of the 
King of Sulu for his inveterate faithlessness, and pressing him to con- 
tinue our long standing friendship and to form a new alliance against 
the said king as a usurper of part of his dominions, and against all his 
enemies, and to cede to your Majesty the Island of Balabak and the 
territory of Palawan, for the purpose of better waging war against the 
Sulus, Tirons and Kamukons; and that, the desired end having been 
obtained, I found it necessary to use the new rights acquired by the 
cession referred to. Consequently, with the view of best promoting your 
Majesty's interests, I resolved to put into execution the idea of an arma- 
ment composed of our galleys, a tender, three feluccas, and two chain- 
panes, supplied with two Spanish companies of one hundred men each, 
together with another company of Pampanga Indians, which, with the 
crews, the convicts and the military officers, number nearly a thousand 
persons, for the glorious object of taking possession of La Pampanga in 
the ceded part of Balabak and the other adjacent islands, forming this 
new district into a province called Trinidad, with a separate government 
from that of the Kalamians; for I have appointed a governor to take 
charge of nourishing this new plantation with the political regulations 
and Royal ordinances which the prudent zeal of your Majesty has pro- 
vided for similar cases, and which, on my part, have been furnished him 
in the fonn of brief and clear instructions directed towards civilizing 
those barbarous natives, so as the better to facilitate the spread of the 
holy Gospel. 

With this in view I am sending two reverend Jesuit priests, persons 
distinguished in politics and mathematical learning, and the military 
engineer of this place, for the pui"pose of making an inspection of the 
capital of Palawan, as well as of the Island of Balabak, and its adjacent 
islands, and of examining their bays, ports, inlets, rivers, anchorages and 

^ From the Division of Archivea, Executive Bureau, Manila. 


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depths, in order to construct a fort — which will be named after Our Lady 
of the (iood End — in the most healthful location, secure by land as well 
as by sea, for the garrisoning of which an adequate force of artillery has 
been despatched. It will be kept guarded for the present by a small 
galley, two feluccas, a company of Spaniards, and another company of 
Pampanga Indians, besides the galley slaves ^ and the suite of the gov- 
ernor, and officials — all rationed for one year — who will number three 
hundred, the rest being returned to this capital when possession is once 
established. And that the taking of possession may be unopposed, useful, 
and lasting, I have planned for the strengthening of the said fort, with 
the primary object of having our troops sally from its walls to pacify the 
Suln rebels who have been dwelling in certain districts of Palawan, or 
to extenninate them completely by fire and sword, preventing by means 
of the new fortress and the little flying s(]ua<lron, the Kamukons, Tirons, 
and others, from laying waste the province of the Kalamians, and the 
adjacent islands; for, tliere being access to the entire chain of places 
and all the islands, facilitating attacks, and our vessels being on a 
constant cruise tlirough those regions, their expulsion will l)e secured. 
But the greatest gain of all will lie in becoming acquainted with their 
lands, rendezvous and places of refuge, in view of the fact that the 
greatest defense which they have had up to the present time has been 
our own ignorance and negligence in the premises, they scorning our 
arms without fear, in the belief that they are unconquerable because the 
places of their abode are unexplored; wherefore the King of Sulu, pre- 
tending to serve us as a pilot among the Tiron Islands laughed at our 
expedition under the command of your Majesty's Reverend Bishop of 
Nueva Segovia, leading the Spaniards about with a halter wherever he 
wished, and wherever he thought they would suffer most fatigue. In 
view of all this, and of our present experience of the unbridled audacity 
with which they ravage almost all the provinces, I felt compelled to 
project this campaign of reconnaissance so as to test, by the favorable 
results secured, the surest means of benefiting these Christian communi- 
ties, for I am in hopes of establishing, through this new colony, an im- 
pregnable bulwark against the whole Moro power and a source of recip- 
rocal assistance to the fortress at Zamboanga. And I likewise propose 
to introduce into those parts, by reason of their proximity, commerce 
with Borneo, Siam, Cambodia, and Cochin-C^hina, so that, through inter- 
course, the inhabitants of Palawan may become pacified and tractable 
and their towns become opulent; so that with the families which in due 
time will be drafted from the outskirts of this capital, a province of 
substantial usefulne^'s may be formed, liaving greater respect for both 
Majesties; for, by erecting churches to God, a new gem will be added to 

' Sp. forzados, men compelled to row In the galleys, usually as punishment for crime. 


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the Eoyal crown, namely the glory of giving many souls to the Lord, 
while the savings of the Royal treasury will in time be appreciable. 

Although I intended to make this journey personally, the noble city * 
and the majority of the committee on war opposed this course, and with 
the sanction of the Audiencia convened in executive session I decided to 
delegate my authority for this act, in view of the necessity of my remain- 
ing in the capital for the despatch of the urgent and arduous affairs 
which frequently present themselves. 

God guard the Royal Catholic Person of your Majesty the many years 
that Christendom needs him. 

Manila, April SO, 17 58. 

^ Manila. The shorter form of its title of "La siempre noble y leal Ciudad." 

71296 14 


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Appendix X 


Sire : When the galleon was on the point of sailing for New Spain, 
the Palawan expedition returned to the port of Cavite, from where the 
commander of the expedition informs me that he has made a careful 
and exact survey of the Islands of Palawan and Balabak, beginning on 
the outward coast, from 9 degrees to Labo. On all that coast he has 
only found mangrove swamps and reefs, the inhabitants being hostile to 
everyone and obeying no king; the land is miserably poor; there is no 
drinking water from Balabak to Ipolote; the climate is so bad that in 
two months and a half 116 men of the expedition died and 200 were 
sick, and he finds that all that has been said about Palawan is false. 

I have also been informed by the Alcalde Mayor of the Kalamians 
of the arrival there of one galley, and three feluccfis, which had left the 
fleet since it sailed from Manila, as the Commander also now reports; 
after the galley had been careened and food provided, one felucca sailed 
on its course convoying the joanga ^ of the father prior in charge of that 
district and two small vessels which had been sent by the Alcalde of 
Komboy and had suffered the misfortune of being captured by the Sulu 
Moros, most of the people, however, escaping, as explained in the enclosed 
letter from the Alcalde. 

The commander of the expedition has sent me from Cavite a report 
of the councils of war held by him for the purpose of carrying out his 
instructions, the most important of which was to take possession of 
Palawan and adjacent islands in the name of your Majesty, said islands 
having been ceded by the King of Bruney; accordingly, our fleet took 
possession of the land with due solemnity, with the express knowledge 
and consent of the inhabitants ; I also received a log of the whole route 
which seems to have been well kept, with maps and a full explanation 
of the examination made of the said islands and the operations in 
connection therewith. A new map of the islands is being made, on 

^ From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 
2 A small sailing vessel. 


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account of the errors contained in the former one; as the log and the 
report of the commander refer to the new map^ which is unfinished, and 
I cannot delay the departure of the galleon, I cannot forward a full 
report to your Majesty ; I wish to make a serious and careful examina- 
tion of all that has been done, so as to take such action as may be the 
best for the benefit of the Koyal service, and to be able to send your 
Majesty a full report of the expedition, with my opinion based on a 
complete knowledge of the facts. This is all the information I can give 
your Majesty for the present. 

God keep the Catholic Eoyal Person of your Majesty many years, as 
Christendom has need. 

Manila, July 17, 17 58, 


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Appendix XI 

DECEMBER 2, 1774^ 

To the Captain-General of the Philippine Islands. 

Most illustrious Sir: In letters Nos. 322 and 325, your Excel- 
lency sets forth the ideas of tiie English settled in the island of Balam- 
bangan, who are displeased with the unhealthfulness of the country and 
petition that the Sultan of Sulu allow them to settle within his do- 

With No. 325, the letter of the Sultan was received, and the King, 
thus informed of the attempts of the Englishmen, and also of the 
favorable inclination of the Sulu Sultan to establish with our nation 
friendship and alliance, commands me to direct you to listen to his 
proposals, to accede to them whenever they are reasonable, and to grant 
him aid and favor as far as possible, assuring him of Royal protection, 
and delivering to him the enclosed communication in answer to his own, 
in which his Catholic Majesty declares his entire satisfaction with his 
reasonable conduct and promises to reciprocate his friendship as you 
may understand through the copy of that letter which I enclose. God 
preserve your Excellency many years. 

Madrid, December 5, 1774. 

Dr. Julian de Biriaga. 

[Copy of the communication referred to In the foregoing letter.] 

Most illustrious and excellent prince Mohammed Israel, Sultan of 
Sulu. Most gratifying has been to me the announcement, which you 
conveyed to me in your letter of January 20th, of your happy accession 
to the sovereignty of Sulu, on account of which I offer you many congrat- 
ulations, wishing you happiness in all things. 

The disposition which inclines you to seek my friendship and assist- 
ance, as also the friendly relations which you maintain with my Governor 
of the Philippines, which you desire to establish and perpetuate by 
means of a mutual agreement, which may secure for the future firm 

1 From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 



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peace and a perpetual alliance between your states and mine, increase my 
just gratification, especially as ray Governor has informed me of the 
sublime natural gifts which are united in your person, with many and 
most expressive eulogies thereof. 

In view of this, and of the constant fidelity which you promise in 
your letter, I command my good vassal, Don Simon de ^ia y Salazar, 
to listen to your proposals, to accede to them whenever reasonable, and 
to grant you all the favor and assistance which the forces and facilities 
to be found there may allow assuring you of my Koyal protection, which 
I extend to you from now on, confiding in your reciprocal friendship, 
and noble conduct, and desirous of opportunities of favoring you and 
of proving the interest which I feel in your good fortunes and the 
earnestness with which I pray God to preserve you many years. 

Madrid, December 2, 177 Jf. 

I, THE King. 


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Appendix XII 

SULU, DECEMBER 25, 1836' 

Superior Government of the Philippines 

Most Excellent Sir: After having reported to your Excellency in 
my three former communications, the opinion which I have formed with 
regard to the countries in the vicinity of our possessions in the southern 
part of the Philippines, of the relations which we ought to sustain with 
their governments and the policy we should follow until we shall obtain 
the immense advantages which our position offers us, I have the honor 
to deliver to your Excellency a copy of the Capitulations of the Treaty 
of Peace, Protection, and Commerce, which I have concluded through 
the captain of frigate, Don Jos6 Maria Halcon, with the Sultan and 
Datus of Sulu. 

The articles which need some explanation, are the 1st, 3rd and 4th. 
With reference to the 3rd and 4th, I mention them in my former 
communication and indicate their intent; and with respect to the Ist, 
I copy herewith what has been reported to me by the commissioner, 
D. Jos6 Maria Halcon, which is as follows: 

I must make clear an important point relating to the text of the Capitulations, 
in the wording of which your Excellency has noted perhaps some ambiguities and 
omissions in Article I, which while intended to make the Datus and Sultan of 
Sulu acknowledge and declare the extent of our rights, seems indefinite on certain 
points which many irresponsible writers have asserted with confidence. 

While considering the protection granted the Sultan, I recognized the inexpe- 
diency of making the same include the lands which he has lately acquired in 
Borneo, and of determining definitely the line of the boundary in Palawan, the 
title to which island, as also that to Balabak and Balambangan, is very disput- 
able, though at present, the lands where we have not established our settlements 
of the province of Kalamians are included de facto in his possessions. 

Palawan was ceded to the Crown of Spain by the King of Bruney, and Balabak 
is likewise ceded by an instrument brought back by D. Antonio Fabean >vhen he 
went there as Embassador under the administration of the Marquis of Obando, 

^ From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 


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which should be in the archives of the Philippine Government; but since these 
cessions were made on an occasion when the Sultan of Sulu found himself in 
possession of the lands by virtue of a former cession made in his favor by another 
King of Bruney, such documentary testimony cannot serve as the basis of our 
arguments, especially since we did not proceed to found any settlements. 

This matter of the cession of Balabak occurred upon the occasion of a visit 
to Manila, of Sultan Mohammed Alimud Din (Fernando I) who, asserting his 
right to the island, executed and ratified upon his part the gift, at least in word, 
through D. Manuel Fernandez Toribio, afterward Governor of Zamboanga, and the 
Secretary of the Government. 

Our writers have misrepresented the subsequent conduct of the said Sultan, 
and concealed very important facts, but at any rate, the very concealment of the 
reasons for his fleeing from Manila betokens the lack of liberty in all of the 
instruments he granted during his stay in that place; moreover the facts in the 
case justify his later actions, which gave occasion for casting a doubt over the 
legitimacy of our title to the lands under consideration. 

The true reason for the actions of Mohammed Alimud Din, beginning with 
his flight from Manila, was the fact that he had purchased the secret in a copy 
of the confidential letter which the First Minister of the Monarchy, Marquis de la 
Ensenada, wrote to the Captain-General of the Philippines on August 28, 1751, 
discussing the states of Sulu; which document, when brought to his knowledge, 
could not fail to ruin all of our political moves, and to dispose him to take every 
defensive measure against our power, for Mohammed Alimud Din was a man of 
no mean understanding. 

This was the origin of the letters which, on September 17, 1763, the said 
Sultan wrote from Sulu to the King of England and to the English company,* 
ratifying in favor of the latter the concession of the lands which form the strait 
of Balabak, in which is comprised the southern part of Palawan from Point 
Kanipaan to Point Bulilaruan, and this was the origin of their settlements in 
Balabak and Balambangan which have been abandoned since later events. 

Such are the antecedents which induced me to draw up the said article with 
such ambiguity that it may be construed to the advantage of the Crown without 
giving occasion to embarrassing objections. 

My aim throughout, most illustrious Sir, has been to promote the national 
welfare by carrying out the high designs of your Excellency, who by promoting 
this enterprise has attempted to open up one of the most abundant sources of 
wealth in the Philippines. 

I also deliver to your Excellency a copy of the Capitulations, in which, 
in consequence of Article 2nd, it has been agreed to deteimine the duties 
to be paid by the Sulu vessels in Zamboanga and Manila, and ours in 
Sulu. For the better understanding of these stipulations, I have thought 
it expedient to inclose a copy of the explanation with which the said 
commissioner forwarded them to me. 

The present tariff rates have served as a basis for the duties imposed 
upon the Sulu vessels, it being beyond my authority to alter them. With 
reference to those which shall be paid by our vessels in Jol6, although 
they may appear to be excessive, it will be sufficient to inform your 
Excellency that all of the ship-owners who are accustomed to make 
voyages to Jol6, have been satisfied with the very favorable terms we have 

^The Honorable Bast India Company. 

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secured in the agreement, not only because of the high valuation set on 
the articles in which payment will be made, but because of the regulation 
and reduction to fixed rules of the charges, that until now have been 
arbitrary and never less than the stipulated rates. It is true that they 
have desired not only a greater reduction but still more their complete 
abolition, as is natural, but it was necessary to conciliate the two parties, 
as the commissioner says. 

Above all, one of the advantages of importance which our merchants 
recognize in the relations now established, the benefits of which they 
have begun already to experience, is that the Sultan and Datus together 
guarantee the credits left in Sulu as a residt of commercial operations, 
which advantage they have not heretofore enjoyed, but waited on the 
will and good faith of the debtor, who paid if he pleased and when he 
pleased, or perhaps never, and there existed no means of compelling him 
as there now is by recourse to the Government. 

Likewise through the preference they are now accorded, our merchants 
have gained greatly, as your Excellency will comprehend. In short, there 
is not one of them who is not well satisfied with the results of the 
negotiations, and all appreciate the skill and prudence with which 
Halcon has conducted himself upon a mission all the more delicate and 
difficult since he has had to treat with a Government whose lack of 
enlightenment and poorness of organization equal the barbarism of its 

Finally, in the answer given by the Chamber of Commerce of which 
I inclose a copy, your Excellency will perceive the appreciation which the 
Capitulations have brought him, by having settled the duties to be paid 
by our vessels in Sulu, as also by having established relations with the 
Government of that island. 

I trust that your Excellency will condescend to bring all this to the 
notice of her Majesty that she may grant her Royal approval. 

God preserve your Excellency many years. 

Manila, December 25, 1836. 
Most excellent Sir, 

(Sgd.) Pedro Antonio Salazar. — Rubricated. 

The most excellent the Secretary of State and of the Office of 
"Gobernacion'' of the Kingdom. 


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Appendix XIII 





Ministry of the Navy, Commerce, and Colonial Administration 

Most Excellent Sir: Your Excellency's predecessor, Don Pedro 
Antonio Salazar, when he reported in detail, in letters of last December, 
all that he had done in the treaty of friendship and commerce entered into 
with the Sultan of Sulu, of the mercantile relations which it behooves 
us to maintain with the Mohammedan possessions to the south of the 
Philippines, of the opinion which he had formed concerning the war of 
enslavement, and other matters upon which your Excellency will receive 
due instructions under Eoyal order of this date, forwarded separately 
and privately, in a very secret manner, a communication dated the 17th 
of the same month, in which he set forth the policy, which, according 
to his belief, should be adopted toward the said Kingdom of Sulu in 
consequence of the said treaty. Her Majesty the Queen Regent, having 
been informed of all this, and having in mind the remark made in the 
said communication, that the Spanish possessions in the southern region 
are frequently oppressed by the alcaldes, on account of the present 
defective system of administration, has decided to direct your Excellency 
to suppress, with strong hand, these excesses of the alcaldes, that they 
may not disturb the peace happily established with Sulu; exhorting 
them to moderation and peaceableness, in order that the odium which 
the Moro race feels toward us may vanish. Noting also among his 
remarks, his conclusion that while the war of enslavement is undoubtedly 
an evil, it produces nevertheless the advantage that those provinces are 
united more closely to the Government because of their greater need of 
the same against their enemies; and that by becoming used to a life of 
freedom and license, those people become also inured to captivity, from 
which they could sometimes escape but do not, many preferring to turn 

1 Prom the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 



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to piracy. Her Majesty holds these views erroneous and harmful, since 
no just and paternal government should promote misfortunes among its 
subjects in order to make itself more necessary, and thus keep them 
dependent ; and because, though there may be some who are content with 
slavery in Sulu because it affords them a life of unrestraint, it can not be 
ignored tliat their families and the Government suffer a great injury 
from their situation, nor that morality would be greatly outraged, if, 
for these reasons, countenance were given to slavery, which should be 
attacked and exterminated at all costs. The idea is advanced in the 
same communication, that in the countries of the southern part of the 
Philippines, the system of protection, carried to the point of establishing 
trading houses, will be almost equivalent to possession and control, when 
once commercial interests are held to be the chief interests, and there 
is set forth a plan to diminish or even cut off the trade ^ with Mindanao, 
in order to confine the commerce to our channels. Her Majesty, on 
being informed of this policy of a protectorate, approves of the same, 
but desires that it be carried out frankly and faithfully with the Sultan 
of Sulu, in order that he be convinced, through experience, that the 
Spaniards are his loyal friends, our authorities keeping it in mind that 
the conquest of those countries is not to the interest of the nation, but 
rather the acquisition of isolated military and mercantile stations, which 
may control indirectly without the disadvantages of great expense and 
of arousing the hatred of the natives. This alliance or friendship with 
the Sultan should be such, that in whatever war he may be engaged 
with his rebellious subjects, he shall be aided in good faith, unless his 
adversary should be of such strength as to insure his triumph, for then 
the useless defense of the vanquished would subject us to the contempt 
of the conqueror and we should lose the benefits already acquired. In 
such cases we should remain neutral, under some plausible pretext of 
impracticableness or other honorable reason. In other wars, waged by 
the Sultan with other princes, we should attempt to mediate, with the 
purpose that, by settling new discords, we may obtain advantages from 
the two or more belligerents, as rewards for the services rendered them; 
but in the event of having to oppose some one of them, it should be 
that one who offers us the least advantages, and has the best chances of 
triumph, because with our ally victorious, the latter may in the treaty 
of peace execute articles favorable to our commerce, — ^trying always, 
above all things, so to act that the victor shall not become too strong 
nor the vanquished brought too low. With regard to the policy which 
it is best to adopt as a general rule in regard to commerce, your Excellency 
should remember that the best system consists in the greatest possible 
liberty for our merchandise, and in securing, directly or indirectly, for 
our own merchandise, or foreign goods carried by the national vessels, 

1 1, e., of the SuluB. 

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the enjoyment of greater privileges than those of any other country, in 
order that they may be preferred and produce greater profits on the 

In the same letter he submits the opinion that the lack of communica- 
tion of the countries to the south with the Philippines, is a most 
favorable political measure for Spanish commerce, and recommends 
that our relations with the Government of Sulu should be strengthened 
in order to include the same under our dependence at some future time, 
it being necessary to act with cunning in order to separate it completely 
from the piratical warfare.. Her Majesty commands me to state to you 
concerning these matters, tliat the communication of Sulu with the 
Philippines being purely commercial, should not be restricted, but on 
the contrary, should be increased in every way possible, encouragement 
should be given to the establishment of traders and Spanish trading 
houses in Sulu, where our good conduct and benevolence toward the 
natives may bring us profit. But it is always to be borne in mind that 
the Government of Her Majesty does not desire the subjection of other 
states to itself, but a sincere friendship and a close and useful alliance, 
and that a just and discreet policy, not crafty nor artful, will accomplish 
most in withdrawing the Sultan from the interests of the leaders of the 

Your Excellency will note in the draft of the communication from 
your predecessor, to which I make answer, the proposal of various 
schemes for establishing ourselves securely in Sulu. Such would be the 
establishment of a trading house there, already agreed upon in the treaty, 
and posting there a garrison, under the pretext that it is for .the safety 
and greater state of the ])erson of the Sultan. Her Majesty deems 
indispensable the establishment of the trading house, but it should be 
done in such a inanner as not to cause distrust, and fortified and pro- 
tected from any sudden attack, using in this the greatest prudence, and 
remembering that a ganison there, though it might be acceptable to 
the Sultan, might wound the self-love of the people of the country, and 
so render odious both the Sultan and his protectors. The most essential 
thing for the Spaniards, in order to become firmly established, is to make 
themselves popular, to respect the customs of the people, even with 
veneration, not offending any one for any reason, treating all with 
courtesy and decorum ; not showing themselves domineering nor covetous, 
not insulting any one, but being very respectful to women, the old and 
children, not scoffing at anything in their public amusements, nor 
religious affairs, nor in their meetings. It seems to her Majesty that 
through these means would be secured a consistent friendship between 
both countries, and that the most adequate plan for the support and 
defense of the trading house would be to maintain in the safest harbor 
a permanent maritime force, in which should be stored all arms and 


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munitions, and sufficient soldiers, in ease it should be necessary to defend 
the building, without arousing the suspicions that would be caused by 
placing these preparations, concealed or openly, in the house itself; and 
since for this purpose, for the defense of the country against the pirates, 
and for maintaining the respect of the people and Government of the 
protectorate, it is indispensable to keep a well organized sea force, her 
Majesty had determined that you decide the manner of organizing this 
maritime force, without losing sight of the great economy which it is 
necessary to observe on account of the embarrased condition of the Pe- 
ninsula, which needs now more than ever before the assistance of her 
colonial provinces. 

Finally, the predecessor of your Excellency further stated that he 
was attempting to extend his efforts to the establishing of the protectorate 
over the countries subject to the Sultan of Mindanao: her Majesty 
approves this policy on condition that in its execution the purposes and 
measures, which are mentioned above for Sulu, be adopted. 

Her Majesty, by whose Royal order I communicate to your Excellency 
the foregoing, trusts in your zeal to realize the importance of this 
matter, and, regarding the principles of justice and right which direct 
the resolutions of her Majesty, to direct all your efforts to the accomplish- 
ment of the results desired; carefully reporting your progress in the 
affair, for the information of her Majesty and further action. God 
preserve your Excellency many years. 

Madrid, June 28, 1837. 

Mendizabal. — Rubricated. 

The GrOVERNOR Captain-General of the Philippines. 

Ministry of the Navy, Commerce, and Colonial Administration 

Most Excellent Sir : The predecessor of your Excellency, convinced 
of the important advantages to be derived by the Philippines, in making 
more intimate and more secure our few and doubtful relations with the 
island of Sulu, determined immediately upon assuming command, to 
negotiate with the Sultan of the said place, a treaty of peace and com- 
merce which he considered, in every respect, not only useful but indis- 
pensable to the prosperity of the country. After having announced this 
project in various of his communications, he reported in December of 
last year, having accomplished the same, and furnished in several com- 
munications, an exact and detailed account of the history of his labors in 
the affair, the reasons which he had for undertaking the same, the 
benefits which he expects as results, and the measures whose adoption he 
deems necessary in order that these results may be more certain, and at 


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the same time profitable. There were received from him seven letters, 
all marked with the letter "A/^ numbered from 14 to 23, and dated from 
the 15th to the 29th of the said month; with so many points of analogy 
and similarity between them, that they should be considered as one only. 
The first, number 14, is intended to furnish information and data 
relative to Sulu, and the other Mohammedan islands of the south (with- 
out which it would be impossible to know their importance) and to 
detail the relations which we should have with them, considering them 
both in relation to commerce and with respect to the war of enslavement. 
In the second, of a confidential nature, he outlines the policy, which, in 
his opinion, should be adopted in order to obtain all the advantages which 
our position affords. In the third, number 16, he states the measures 
which should be adopted for the benefit of the national commerce in those 
countries. In the fourth, number 20, he transmits a copy of the treaty 
of peace, protection and commerce concluded with the Sultan of Sulu, 
and of the stipulations made for the determination of the duties which 
our vessels should pay in Sulu, and the Sulus in Manila and Zamboanga. 
In the fifth, mmoiber 21, he relates the motives which have led him to 
direct these matters as he has done, transmitting to her Majesty all the 
plans referring to it, through this Ministry only. In the sixth, number 
22, he gives account of some of the advantages which have been derived 
from our expedition to Sulu, and amongst others, a treaty of peace 
concluded between the pueblo of Malusu and the Governor of Zamboanga. 
And finally, in the seventh, number 23, he sets forth the necessity of 
retaining at that station, the frigate-captain, Don Jose Maria Halcon, 
who performed the duty of commissioner for the negotiation of the 

I have informed her Majesty, the Queen Regent, of the contents of all 
these communications, and in this knowledge she has seen fit to ap- 
prove, in a general manner, all the measures adopted by the aforemen- 
tioned predecessor of your Excellency, giving suitable orders, that the 
proper Ministry provide the special approval which some of them deserve, 
on account of their weight and importance, concerning which your Ex- 
cellency will soon be informed, and deigning to command me to submit 
in a separate and particular communication the following advice on the 
special subject of the letters referred to above. 

Her Majesty, feeling assured that conquests in themselves, and later 
their maintenance, absorb the profits which accrue from the countries 
already acquired, prefers to any conquest advantageous trade and com- 
merce. Convinced, therefore, that the most profitable and lucrative 
policy is to conquer or secure such places as on account of their fortunate 
location may prove to be at th« same time strong military and mercantile 


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posts and so both promote and protect commerce, she cannot but approve 
the ideas your Excellenc/s predecessor expresses in his communication 
numbered 14, and desires, that upon adopting the system in accordance 
with those ideas, you confine yourself solely, in all enterprises of conquest, 
to occupation of territory either abandoned or uninhabited, or to that 
which, notwithstanding its being settled, would cost little and would not 
give occasion for a costly war. In order to increase our commercial 
advantages in Sulu, and to raise up rivals to the Portuguese, it would 
be well to grant protection and reduction in duties to the Chinese junks ^ 
under the specific condition that they do not sail under the flag of any 
other nation (without mentioning the Portuguese by name in order not 
to occasion the resentment of this power) and to secure in Sulu for 
those who adopt the Spanish flag, a reduction of duties although not as 
much as that which should be granted to Spanish vessels. Thus it is 
the will of her Majesty that you be directed, commanding, with the same 
purpose in view, that your predecessor state to you explicitly, which are 
the measures that he would have adopted, had he been authorized to do 
so, in order to avoid the blow to our commerce threatened by the 
Portuguese, depriving us with the double expedition from Macao and 
Singapore to Sulu, of the advantage over all other nations which still 
remained to us in this trafiBc ; and that your Excellency obstruct, by all 
the means in your power, the association of interests between the com- 
mercial houses of Manila with those of Macao and Singapore, if the 
same were intended to secure special privileges in the island of Sulu to 
the products of the Philippines to the injury of the national commerce. 

With respect to the matter of the war against piracy, referred to also 
in letter number 14, her Majesty approves all the purposes expressed 
therein by the predecessor of your Excellency, and commands me to 
direct your Excellency that, without ever recurring to war or the inter- 
ruption of traffic with Sulu as means of destroying or diminishing piracy 
and trafiBc in slaves, you exert yourself to suppress the same and remedy 
the evil which it inflicts on the Philippines, by the various means at 
hand, to-wit ; 1st, through negotiations with the Sultan of Sulu ; in which 
measures suitable for the accomplishment of the purpose may be con- 
certed; 2d, securing the increase, by the Sultan, of import duties on 
slaves who are Spanish subjects, and the lowering of duties on slaves of 
other countries; 3d, requesting of him assistance in driving out the 
pirates from their haunts of Balangingi and other places ; 4th, watching 
the rendezvous of these pirates in the Bisayas also, in order to destroy 
them. In this manner and with hard lessons, with the energetic and 
continuous warfare spoken of by the predecessor of your Excellency, the 
extermination of piracy will be accomplished without the evils which 

» Sp. champanes. 

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would follow upon an unwise and useless war against Sulu, and without 
the more gerious result to which the same would expose us, and which 
her Majesty desires your Excellency to avoid at any cost, the result 
referred to being the removal of the Sultan to some other point, which 
removal England and Holland might turn to great advantage against 
our trade. 

As to the measures proposed in letter number 16, for the benefit of 
the national commerce, her Majesty will determine which is fit, notifying 
your Excellency in due season. Meanwhile you should keep in mind, 
that as long as the Sulus man their ships with slaves, your Excellency 
should prohibit them from trading in Zamboanga and all other places 
within the dominions of her Majesty, wlienever the ships which they use 
shall be manned in whole or in part with slaves who are subjects of Spain. 

Concerning the treaty of peace, protection and commerce, a copy of 
which is inclosed in letter number 20, her Majesty has been pleased to 
resolve, after careful examination, that it be forwarded with favorable 
comment to the Ministry of State for the approval of the Cortes and 
the ratification of her Majesty, all of which will be communicated to 
your Excellency in due time, its policy being carried out and its intent 
carefully observed in the meanwhile, for the purpose of determining 
whether there is anything to amend or correct by means of further 
negotiation, which would be considered as an appendix to the treaty. In 
view of the explanations concerning the first article of the aforementioned 
treaty furnished by the commissioner of the negotiation, her Majesty 
commands me to repeat to your Excellency the necessity for carrying 
out the policy which is prescribed to your Excellency with regard to 
acquisition and conquest; in order to claim those lands referred to in the 
explanations, if perchance such claim should be advisable for the purpose 
of acquiring some point of military or mercantile value: or in order 
to set up the claim of the Kingdom of Spain to those countries, in order 
that by giving it up, we may secure other things which may be of real 
importance to us, such as reduction in duties, some exclusive privilege, 
or the possession of some isolated point of great importance. 

The predecessor of your Excellency by addressing to this Ministry 
all communications bearing on this matter, has merited the approbation ^of 
her Majesty, because he has avoided many unnecessary stepsi and useless 
delay, and thus your Excellency will continue to do, in the manner herein 
indicated. i 

And finally, her Majesty having noted with satisfaction the favorable 
results produced already by the expedition to Sulu, and approving the 
idea of not using the fifteen hundred dollars sent by the Bishop of Nueva 
Segovia for the -redemption of slaves, she commands me to direct your 
Excellency to cultivate the friendship of all the chiefs who, like the 

71296 16 


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Orankaya of Malusu, abandon the pureuit of piracy, and that suitable 
ordei-s be issued by tlie Division of the Marine of this Ministry, not 
only that the captain of frigate, Don Jose Maria Halcon, who has so 
well discharged the duty of negotiating the treaty, be assigned to that 
station, but that he also be duly rewarded for his services as such com- 
missioner; lier Majesty not failing to express the gratitude with which 
she declares her appreciation to the predecessor of your Excellency, the 
aforementioned Don Pedro Antonio Salazar. All of which is com- 
municated to your Excellency, by Royal order, for your due information 
and guidance, instructing you with r^ard to the confidential letter, that 
you carry out the directions forwarded you separately under this date. 
God preserve your Excellency. 

Madrid, June 28, 1887. 

Men Diz A B AL. — II ubrica ted. 

The Governor Captain-General of the Philippines. 


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Appendix XIV 



NOVEMBER 16, 1837* 

SuPEiuoK Government of tue Philippines 

Excellent Sik : In compliance witk the provision of the Royal order 
of tlie 24th of April last, requesting, for the infonnation of her Majesty 
the record of the correspondence exchanged in regard to the treaty of 
commerce made by my predecessor with the Sultan of Sulu, and the 
bases of said treaty, 1 forward tlie same to your Excellency, with a 
few personal observations suggested by a reading of the said papers. 

On the 31st of January, 1835, the Tribunal of Commerce forwarded 
to the Captain-General, approved by it, a report presented by several 
business men who traded with Sulu, setting forth the deceitful methods 
of the Datus, or principal people of the island, in their agreements and 
contracts, and requesting, in order to restrain and intimidate them, 
that the naval division of Zamboanga, or part of it, be stationed in the 
port of Jolo during the time the national merchant vessels remain there 
for the purpose of making their sales and purchases. A decree was issued 
on the 9th of March of the same year, concurring in the opinion of the 
Assessor, and declaring tliat the request could not be granted at that 
time, but that it would be taken into consideration as soon as the 
circumstances allowed. This is a brief of the document marked Number 

On the 9th of February, 1836, Jose Dugiols, who had sold goods on 
credit to the amount of 8000 pesos to the Jolo people, and despaired 
of getting paid, presented a new petition, similar to that which had 
been sent 11 months before. The C'hamber of Commerce approved it, 
and requested that a fleet of launches be stationed at Jolo during the 
business season, tliere to gather information which would allow the 
Government to take proper action in the matter; it also insisted that the 
commander of the fleet be a capable person, who, without compromising 
the flag, would know how to conciliate the purpose of the naval demon- 
stration with the spirit of peace and concord which he ought to maintain 

^ From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 


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between the crews of our ships and the people of Jolo. This suggestion, 
which had already been made in the petition presented the year before, 
was favorably endorsed one after the other by all who intervened in the 
papers in the case and resulted in the final resolution of May 31st, 
which contains 14 articles. The first provides that it shall be one of 
the duties of the commander of the naval division of Zamboanga to 
protect the Spanish ships while they are at Jolo, and instructions are 
given him to that effect. The second appoints captain of frigate 
Jos6 Maria Halcon to take charge, temporarily, of the command of the 
Division of Zamboanga, and establish relations of friendship and com- 
merce with the Sulu people. The third directs him to inform the Sulu 
Sultan of his visit in the way he may deem most likely to convince him 
of the peaceful intentions of this Government. The fourth directs him 
to make himself recognized by the oflBcers and men of our ships, as 
the commanding authority who fliall maintain them in peace and good 
order. The fifth charges him not to allow his men to land, so as to 
avoid disorder. The sixth directs him to take action in regard to any 
excess, as provided by the Code. The seventh, to hold in check the 
crews of our ships, so as to give the Sulus neither reason nor pretence 
for showing their bad faith. The ninth forbids the commander of the 
division and all those under his orders to enter into any business specula- 
tion whatsoever. The tenth directs the commander to be ever careful 
to keep all his men within the bounds of duty. By the eleventh he is 
directed to see that all contracts are religiously fulfilled, and, if neces- 
sary, to complain energetically to the Sultan, and by the twelfth to see 
that our people fulfil their own. Articles thirteen and fourteen direct 
the commander to obtain information about the political and civil condi- 
tions of Sulu and its topographic situation. 

After acquainting himself with the foregoing. Captain Jos^ Maria 
Halcon inquired what would be the minimum importation duty in Ma- 
nila for articles proceeding from Sulu, and asked for instructions in 
regard to the importation of arms and ammunition into Sulu by our 
ships. In answer to the first question, the Board of Tariffs fixed at 2 per 
cent the duty on all articles imported from Sulu to Manila in its own 
vessels,^ except wax and cacao, which would have to pay 14 per cent under 
a foreign flag and half that amount under the national flag ; in regard to 
the secoi^d the importation of arms and ammunition into Sulu by our 
ships was prohibited. 

A letter to the Sultan of Sulu was furthermore given the commander, 
accrediting him and explaining his mission, the petition presented by 
Dugiols and endorsed by the Chamber of Commerce, requesting that our 
business relations with Sulu be granted a protection which experience 
made each day more necessary, being thus complied with. 

1 "Bn BUS propios buques" (i.e., of Sulu). 

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On April 15, 1836, Halcon forwarded the capitulations of peace and 
the commercial agreements made by him in the name of this Government 
with the Sultan of Sulu. The first consists of 6 articles, by which the 
Spanish Government grants the Sultan its protection, which is accepted 
by the latter, with a mutual assurance of cooperation between them against 
any nation not European. Spanish boats are to be admitted freely in 
Sulu, and Sulu boats in Zamboanga and Manila. It is agreed that a 
Spanish factory shall be established in Jolo, so as to avoid damages and 
delays to our commerce, the same right being given the Sulus in Manila. 
Certain rules are established in order to distinguish friendly from 
hostile boats. The Sultan is pledged to prevent piracy on the part of 
those who recognize his authority; and it is furthermore agreed that in 
case of any doubt as to the meaning of any article, the literal Spanish 
text shall be followed. In accordance with the opinion of the Govern- 
ment assessor, these capitulations were approved by decree of January 
20 of this year. The conmiercial agreements contain 9 articles. The 
first establishes a duty of 2^ per cent on all products brought by the 
Sulus. The second excepts wax and cacao, as recommended by the Board 
of TariflEs. The third provides a duty of 1 per cent for the importa- 
tion in Zamboanga of products brought by the Sulus. The fourth 
provides that the payment of the duties shall be made in cash in silver. 
The fifth establishes the dues to be paid by our boats at Sulu. The 
sixth fixes the value, in products, of those dues. The seventh, in its 
first part, declares, that all Sulu boats trading without a license shall be 
treated as smugglers, under the law of the Kingdom; in its second part 
it also requires our boats to show a bill of lading in accordance with the 
cargo, on pain of a fine of ^500, two thirds to go to the Sultan and one 
third to our exchequer. The eighth provides that if the duties are 
reduced in Manila and Zamboanga on the articles coming from Sulu, 
the same shall be done in Sulu, and that if the Sultan reduces the dues 
on foreign ships, he shall do the same for ours. The ninth provides 
that in case of doubt the literal Spanish text shall be followed. After 
hearing the opinions of the Boards of Commerce and Tariffs, and in 
accordance with that of the assessor, the foregoing was approved by 
decree of the 20th of January of this year, with a small reduction of 
^ per cent on the duties to be paid by the Sulus in Manila, and an ex- 
planation of the proceeding to be followed for the appraisement of their 
cargoes in Zamboanga and in Manila. 

Shortly before this ratification by the Government, it was decreed 
on the 13th of January, at the request of Commissioner Halcon, that in 
order to avoid trouble between this Government and that of Sulu, the 
captains and supercargoes of the Spanish ships should give no credit to 
the Sulus, except with the authorization of the Sultan, under the penalty 
of being barred from claiming his protection or that of the Spanish 


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Government for the collection of such credits; and that all settlements 
of the pay of the crews of our ships should be so made as to avoid the 
abuse of paying them in kind, instead of currency. 

Such is the information which I have found, and am forwarding to 
your Excellency in regard to the treaties mentioned. The leading idea 
in said treaties is one of distrust towards the people of Sulu, on account 
of their treacherous, cruel and perfidious nature. As this is the only 
idea which prevails in all our relations with the island, as well as in the 
Eoyal order of August 28, 1751, and the documents attached thereto, 
wdthout referring to older time, I can not be persuaded that the policy 
of peace and alliance adopted with the Sultan of Sulu can give our 
shipping and commerce any substantial and permanent advantage. 

Several Eoyal decrees find fault with such treaties and even order 
them to be revoked in case they have been made ; and to justify departure 
from these sovereign instructions, given, with a true knowledge of the 
facts, and in accordance \vitli the opinion of the illustrious members of 
the Cabinet, there must now be some powerful political reason which I 
can not discover. If we take into consideration the very weak authority 
of the Sultan over his subjects, and the scarcity of his means in the 
midst of datus or chieftains who, with their families and slaves, constitute 
distinct communities which are haughty, ambitious and dangerous to 
him, we find that there is in Sulu no moral force on which to rely for the 
execution of a treaty, even should there be the best faith and good will 
on the part of the Sultan. 

Furthermore, Sulu and the small adjacent islands produce nothing; 
even the rice and fish which the people use for their food come from 
our neighboring possessions: what business reasons are there therefore, 
capable of calling our attention, or whose. profits would pay the expenses 
of a fleet placed in observation there? All the produce of the islands 
consists of beche-de-mer and shell which are gathered by the slaves;^ 
the clothing and foodstuffs are furnished them, on credit, by our own 
ships ; gold, wax and edible nests come from Mindanao. Hence commerce 
is confined to a season outside of which our ships never go near Sulu. 

There is therefore little advantage to be derived by our commerce from 
these treaties, and this is confirmed by the communication just received 
by me from the commander of the Zamboanga division, which I enclose 
as number 6. It betrays complete disappointment, and shows the wisdom 
of the instructions given in the above mentioned Royal decrees. 

The policy which we ought to follow with the Sulus is one of continual 
and perspicacious caution, with well conditioned, well situated and well 
commanded naval forces, ready to obtain at once satisfaction for any 
offense to our flag; and I believe that this could be done without much 
trouble, by using steamships, as the Dutch have done in their settlements 

^ This and the following statements are not correct. 

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in the Moluccas, where they suffered from the piracy of the Moros much 
as we do in the Philippines. 

The foregoing information covers, I believe, all the points mentioned 
in the Royal order of April 24th, last, and which are the object of the 
present communication and of the documents which I enclose therewith. 
May God keep your Excellency many years. 

Manila, November 16, 1S37. 

ANDRf:8 6. Camba. 

His Excellency the Secretary of State and of the Department 
OF THE Navy, Commerce, and Colonies. 


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Appendix XV 





Superior (Jovernment of the Philippines. 

Excellent Sir : I acknowledge to your Excellency the receipt of two 
Boyal orders dated the 23d of June of last year, which, with reference to 
the treaties made with the Sultan of Sulu, have been transmitted by 
your ministry; one replying to the seven communications marked "A" 
which my predecessor made in connection with the same subject; the 
other confidential, and indicating the policy and measures that should be 
carried out with the said Sultan of Sulu and the Sultan of Mindanao. 

In communication numbered 5, and dated November 16th last, in 
compliance with one of the provisions of Royal order of last April, I 
made a minute report accompanied by documentary evidence, of the 
antecedents which I encountered relative to Sulu affairs, and at the same 
time, could not but intimate in this connection how little I expected as 
a result of our treaties, because experience had already caused me to be 
suspicious, and also because the various Royal orders toward the close of 
the past century confirmed me in this idea ;^ and indeed the losses which 
all our commercial expeditions experienced during the first year of these 
treaties, the vexations they suffered and the risks to which the crews as 
well as the vessels and their cargoes were exposed during their stay in 
Jolo, have fully borne out this view. 

Many are the measures and documents which we have here, in which 
this same fact is laid down; many are the Royal decrees in which, in 
recognition of this fact, the Governors of the Philippines have even been 
authorized, by every means in their power and without counting cost or 
difficulty, to punish severely the intrepidity of those infidel barbarians. 

In order to arouse and interest the Royal conscience on that point, it 
was requisite that there should be repeatedly presented through various 
channels and at distinct times substantiated accounts, non-conflicting and 
extremely painful, of the various piracies, cruelties, and vexations, with 

^ From the Division of Archives. Executive Bureau, Manila. 

* Though inaccurate and biased, the ideas expressed in this report represent the opinion 
and feelings of many Spanish ofDcials who were connected with More affairs. 


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which those barbarians have kept the Philippine Islands in the south 
in a state of fear and depression; and needful also was it that there should 
have been employed, in vain, on account of the religion and the policy 
of our ancestors, those gentle measures of peace and union which no 
civilized people could resist; but which are ineffectual with barbarous 
nations who know no other right than that of force. 

From the 14th of April, 1646, when we abandoned possession of Sulu, 
which our arms had so gloriously conquered, making a treaty of peace 
whereby the Sulus bound themselves to pay us annually, as tribute, three 
boatloads of unhulled rice, until the day the Government again entered 
into a treaty with them, neither have the Filipinos succeeded in freeing 
themselves from their harassments, nor has the Government reaped any 
fruit other than continual menace. The English have had the same ex- 
perience with the perfidy and bad faith of those islanders. After having 
formed, in the island of Balambangan by a concession made by the Sulus, 
a settlement destined to be the emporium for the products of the East 
in connection with their China trade, for which this island offers two 
good ports, they were two years afterwards surprised by the Sulus them- 
selves, who, knowing the English had despatched their vessels, took 
advantage of their absence by taking possession of the island and the 
fort constructed therein, also a great deal of booty, which cost the Eng- 
lish East India Company a loss of more than three hundred thousand 
dollars. In narrating this event, Mr. J. H. Moor, who published last 
year a brief review of interesting events concerning the islands and lands 
bordering on the China Sea, agrees with the views I have expressed, 
namely, that these acts of treachery and cruelty on the part of the Sulus 
are the offspring of their innate love of robbery and their natural perfidy. 

All these facts then will convince your Excellency that the expectations 
based by my acting predecessor upon the latest treaties referred to are 
too sanguine. They would produce no illusions on my part, in view of 
the experience of the past, neither does it seem to me that their results, 
looked at with calmness and in the light of the most exact data, could be 
of any great advantage to our commerce. Allowing that the treaties 
should be religiously complied with, never would they be of any value, 
in themselves, to improve the brutal condition of those islanders. This 
condition will always constitute, not only for the Spaniards but ako for 
all civilized nations, a great drawback to mercantile relations, which, 
although founded on principles of utility and mutual advantage, cannot 
continue nor be developed except under the most favorable guaranties. 
How would our merchants, or the foreign merchants of Sulu obtain 
them, where there is neither good faith nor justice, and where cunning 
fraud makes even the Chinese dangerous traders? Commerce is the 
movement and circulation of wealth. The latter results from produc- 


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tion, and production from the full and unrestricted utilization of prop- 
erty. Moreover, when property is insecure, when the laws do not protect 
it, when the agents of the Government are the first to disregad it, the 
mercantile spirit is the first to become alarmed and, when defrauded, 
to flee as far as possible from the place where it does not find that safe 
haven it requires to expand and to pursue with skill and perseverance 
the objects of its calling. Thus it is that during the period elapsed since 
the year cited, 1646, up to the present time, no Spanish merchant has 
himself had direct dealings with the inhal)itants of Sulu, the Chinese 
alone being engaged in this trade, they being the only charterers of our 
vessels, so that we do not obtain from said commerce more than interest 
on the capital invested, subject to great exposure and risk, which has 
made and always will make, this commerce uncertain and of little value. 
Willie lack of security still sets a limit to the extent of our speculation in 
commerce with Sulu, lack of advantageous reciprocity adds another 
factor no less appreciable. At the time the Spaniards came to the 
Philippines, Sulu seems to have been rich in her own natural and in- 
dustrial products, and richer still through the large commerce which 
their exchange enabled her to carry on with the Chinese vessels which 
in large numbers frequented her coasts. Situated almost midway be- 
tween the Philippines and the Moluccas, close to two rich islands so fertile 
and densely populated as Mindanao and Borneo, it seemed destined by 
nature to be the emporium of the commerce of the south. Converted to 
Islamism by the Arab Sayed Ali,^ who landed there from Mecca, how 
much ought this principle of civilization in the midst of barbarous na- 
tions have tended to their advancement ! But times have changed greatly 
since then, and brought their always accompanying vicissitudes. As 
Spanish dominion was extended in the Philippines and the Portuguese 
penetrated into the Moluccas, they began attracting to their capitals the 
wealth and traffic that was accumulating in Sulu, and here begins a new 
era. War and desolation, which for a period of eighty years we inflicted 
on them, followed, and put in our power this island and its dependen- 
cies, and though independence was later restored, it could not divert this 
rich commerce from the trend it had taken. Meanwhile, their wars and 
internal dissensions resulted in corrupting tlieir customs, and there only 
remained for them the habit of piracy, which ever since our appearance, 
they had embraced for the purpose of harassing us. 

Since then Sulu has been converted into a refuge for pirates allured 
by its favorable position, and these barbarians, being more solicitous of 
carrying on their devastations than of cultivating their land, have not 
ceased to be the greatest scourge of our inhabitants of the south. This 
explains the impossi])ility of obtaining from tliem by entreaty anything 

* The correct name Is Abu Bakr. 

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in the way of peace and tranquillity, which to them as well as to us 
would be BO beneficial. 

For this reason, Sulu, which contains a population of pirates and 
slaves, is nothing more than a shipping point where certain products 
are collected from the other islands of the south. It is surrounded by 
islands and islets, which form the archipelago bearing its name, and 
has a length from east to west of about ten leagues, a width of four and 
a half, and a circumference of thirty-two. The total population credited 
to the Archipelago is from 149,000 to 150,000 souls, 6,800 of which 
inhabit Jolo, and in this number are included 800 Chinese. 

The houses, or rather huts, of the principal place, are estimated to 
number 3,500, and that of the petty king, called Sultan, cannot be 
distinguished from the rest except for its greater size; all of bamboo 
and nipa, weak and poor as their owners, but with cannons of various 
calibers which mark the residences of the datus, descendants of the petiy 
kings, and who themselves constitute the oligarchy of their Government. 
I have already stated that the Sultan can do nothing, all matters being 
decreed by the convention, or Rum Bichara of the datus, where the 
owner of the greatest number of slaves always decides the questions.^ 
Wealth, influence and power, are measured among them solely by the 
number of slaves, and this is why they cannot but be pirates, in order 
to acquire this wealth, nor can they offer any guaranty, if it must be 
accompanied by the renimciation of this pursuit. 

By this picture, which is corroborated by the Englishman Moor in 
his description of Sulu, it will be seen that we can expect nothing from 
our present relations with Sulu in the way of securing the tranquillity 
and prosperity of our islands of the south. Neither is a system of 
continual hostility the best way of procuring these precious gifts, but 
the promotion and throwing open of avenues of commerce, directing it 
to one of our ports, which, in view of its position, ought to be Zamboanga ; 
and in this I coincide with the views of my predecessor. Zamboanga, 
with a different organization, the concession of a free port for all the 
products from the south and those brought in champanes from China, 
and the free admission of the exiles who seek refuge there as well as 
the Chinese traders, aiding the former in establishing themselves, and 
exempting the latter from all taxes for the first ten years, would be, in 
all probability, the most suitable point to which to divert from Sulu the 
little transit business which remains, to guard, from a shorter distance, 
against the piracy of its inhabitants, and to bring them in the course of 
time, perhaps, to a more humane mode of living. 

But all this requires first the planning of a suitable and adequate 
system which, bringing nearer to the islands of the south the protection 
and vigilance of the Government of the capital by means of a subordinate 

^ Such a statement is unduly biased. 

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Government embracing its chief characteristics, would relieve those pre- 
cious islands from the calamities which up to the present time they 
have suffered by reason of their remoteness and possibly also because of 
our neglect. 

This plan, which I desire to combine with a forward movement in 
the great and rich island of Mindanao, a large part of whose coast is 
surrounded by the districts of the corregidors ^ of Karaga and Misamis, 
will bring about without doubt a new and happy era for the Filipinos 
of the south, and place, without the sacrifice of people or money, a 
large number of faithful subjects under the illustrious Government of 
her Majesty, furnishing the same also with a greater abundance of 

To this end I shall hold in view and faitlifully observe the policy 
which her Majesty outlines in her confidential Royal order, to which 
I reply ; its application will be the constant object of everything I decree 
and execute. And very happy shall I be thus to make suitable return 
for the many proofs of co-operation and esteem, which, for the past 
thirteen years I have received from the Filipinos; infinitely more so, 
because working at the same time for the better service of her Majesty 
in accordance with her Boyal plans in which these people have always 
found their greatest and surest well-being. 

Your Excellency being convinced, then, that these are the sentiments 
which impel me and the plans I contemplate for the fulfillment of the 
important duties her Majesty has deigned to confer upon me, can from 
this reply assure her that as far as I am concerned, nothing shall be 
left undone to carry out to the letter the policy she has been pleased to 
outline to me, and to merit thereby her august confidence, which I so 
earnestly desire. May God preserve your Excellency many years. 

Manila, February 23, 1838, 

Andres G. Camba. 

The most excellent, the Secretary, Office of Colonial Adminis- 

^ A Spanish magistrate. 

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Appendix XVI 


Office of the Secretary of the (governor and Captain-General 

OF the Philippines. 

JoLO, May 28th, 18^9. 
Sr. Don C a yet A NO Fioueroa, 

Dear Sir : — I think proper to inform you that yesterday, at three o'clock 
in the afternoon, the English war steamer ^^Nemesis" cast anchor at this 
port, coming from Singapore. She brought on board Sir James Brooke, 
commissioned to make a treaty of peace and friendship between Great 
Britain and the Sultan. This treaty was presented to the Sultan to-day 
in the presence of the Datus and a majority of the people, and after being 
read in a loud voice it was immediately approved and ratified. I do not 
think it necessary to inform you as to the tenor of said treaty, as Mr. 
Brooke has told me that he would go from here to your city for the 
purpose of communicating to you everything regarding this matter so 
that you will be thoroughly acquainted with all the details. I understand 
that they have hastened this matter in view of the recent advices con- 
cerning the destruction of Bali by the Dutch troops and their declared in- 
tention of taking possession of the entire coast of North Borneo, Sulu, and 
all its dependencies. In letters received from my partner at Singapore 
he tells me that it is certain they are coming, and with a large force, but 
it may be not for a month or two. The people here, in view of this 
news, have carried everything they have to the interior, and are ready, 
whenever the Dutch arrive, to leave the town. We shall see where these 
things will stop. Possibly w^e shall have another case like that of the 
French before you leave Zamboanga. Whatever you may decide to do 

1 From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 



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when you receive this coramunication, you know that my services are 
always at your disposal, and in the event of your determining to come, 
there is a house here at your disposition; and I promise you a friendly 
reception on the part of the residents. It is my opinion they are in 
such a fright that they do not know what to do and business, of course, 
is entirely neglected. My brother-in-law, who is the bearer of this, will 
inform you in regard to what is going on. He goes to your town to 
purchase rice for our house, to provide against a siege; for rice is dear 
and scarce here. I remain, your obedient servant, who kisses your 
hand. — Guillermo Windham. 

Batavia, March 20, 1849. — It apj^ears that the expedition against Jolo 
is a matter fully determined upon. It is said that two steamers, two 
frigates, and a corvette, operating at the present time against Bali, are 
in readiness to set sail the first part of July. I expect that the pub- 
lishers of the Singapore paper will publish an article entitled, "Labuan, 
Sarawak, the northeast coast of Borneo and the Sultan of Sulu,** by 
Baron Hoeveel, published in Holland in the first number of the "Journal 
for Netherlands India,^^ during the month of January last, in which he 
informs his compatriots that if the Government of Java had followed 
the counsels of Besident Gronovius of Sambas in 1831 or those of 
Resident Bloem of Sambas in 1838, they would long ago have had treaties 
with the Sultan of Bruney which would have closed Sarawak and the 
northern coast to all flags except the Dutch, and that the questions with 
the English Government would not have arisen, but that now it is not 
worth while to discuss it with the court of St. James. England is in 
possession, and she will stay in possession if she considers it to her 
advantage. He tells them to be on their guard, because if they do not 
have a care the English will make another move; tod he indicates the 
point which calls for immediate and indispensable protection, namely, thie 
northeast coast of Borneo : that is to sa}', from Sampan Manjee Point to 
the Cape of Kamongan (the Straits of Makassar), which he says are 
tributary to the Sultan of Sulu. He gives information concerning the 
different stations for the principal departments: Malsedu (or Kinabalu), 
Manjedore and Tiroen, designating the bay of Sandakan for the first 
establishment, as soon as they have taken possession of this side. He 
enumerates the products of this part of the world: the pearls, the dia- 
monds, the iron and gold mines, the birds'-nests, the trepang, etc.; so 
that he has strongly influenced the minds of the Dutch. And he con- 
cludes by stating that in the next article of his paper he will discuss the 
Sultanas possession in relation to tlie government of the Dutch Indies, 
offering some suggestions as to how his countrymen may avail themselves 
of the advantages of this rich territory. It is a truly interesting article 


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and appears to me no less curions than reasonable. The editor of the 
Journal of the Eastern Archipelago will do a good service to his country- 
men by making a translation of it, but it must be done very soon. I am 
too busy to write a paper of such length, otherwise it would have given 
me pleasure to send you one for your own use. I reiterate the necessity 
for despatch, for I really believe that the Dutch government will work 
for its own interests in accordance with the plans which the Baron has 
marked out. The English will not relish the idea of their oriental 
Government sleeping and permitting the Sultan to make, under coercion, 
a treaty such as must be made in order to forward the plans of Van 
Hoeveel. Tlie vessels of the King of the Low Countries, the "Prince 
of Orange," "Sambi," and "Argo," with five others, set sail on the 15th 
of this month, transporting 1,800 men in tlie direction of Bali. After- 
wards they are to carry to Surabaya, on the 25th proximo, 5,000 men 
more, besides from 3,500 to 3,000 coolies, 12 cannon, 2 mortars, etc., etc. 
Receive, etc. 

These are notices taken from a letter to hand, from a trustworthy 
person in Singapore. — Figueroa. 

Military and Civil Government, Plaza de Zamboanga. — No. 101. — 
Department of Government. — Excellent Sir: — Notwithstanding tlie fact 
that the lieutenant governor of this province informs me that he tran- 
scribed and forwarded to your Excellency, while he was in charge of the 
civil government during my absence in Malusu, tlie letter which Mr. 
William Windham, a merchant of Jolo, sent me under date of May 28th, 
it seems to me well to send the original to your Excellency, which I 
now do, retaining a copy of it for the purj)ose of reference at any time. 
As your Excellency may note if he will compare its contents with tlie 
text of the treaty of the 29th of the same month of May, made with tlie 
Sultan of Sulu by the English Consul-General to Borneo, Sir James 
Brooke, there is, between the teniis of the former and the spirit of Ar- 
ticle 7 of the latter, a notable lack of agreement; wherefore it has not 
seemed to me well to place entire confidence in the offer of Windham, 
who may be suspected of partiality, and I have concluded, therefore, to 
move in such a delicate matter with all possible tact and foresight and 
in accordance with developments, which may become extremely com- 
plicated. Considering the great interest which the agents of the English 
Government show in these questicms concerning Sulu and the part of 
Borneo subject to the Sultan, I immediately suspected that the annoimce- 
ment of the imminent arrival of a considerable Dutch force in the archi- 
pelago was only a strategem to obtain, through surprise and fear, the 
realization of the agreement or treaty referred to ; but it having been pos- 
sible for me to secure fresh data through a different channel, confirming 

71296 16 


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those which Windham furnished me, — which latter I obtained through 
Mr. Brooke and the captain of the "Nemesis," and herewith transmit to 
your Excellency, — I am of the opinion now that the expedition of the 
Dutch to Jolo is an enterprise fully determined upon, although it may 
very well be delayed or postponed by fortuitous circumstances difficult to 
foresee. In the event of the appearance of the Dutch expedition, I shall 
never believe that it is with the object of confining its field of action 
to punishing the place of residence of the Sultan in a more thorough 
manner than was done in the attempt made in April of last year; but 
that they intend to conquer and occupy the Island and its dependencies. 
If this should be so, I am equally of the opinion that the Government 
of your Excellency, notwithstanding its conspicuous firmness and well- 
known energy, will not succeed in getting them to recede from their 
purpose, as everything goes to show they have determined to carry it 
out in the face — most assuredly — of our known and declared rights and 
claims to the rule of that land. I venture, therefore, to believe that the 
only way to prevent the serious detriment which would result to this 
colony, under the wise and worthy government of your Excellency, from 
the occupation of Sulu, avoiding at the same time a conflict between the 
Spanish and Dutch Governments, respectively, would be, by means of per- 
suasion and by taking advantage of the state of extreme alarm now 
existing in Sulu, to anticipate them by a recognition of the sovereignty 
of Spain, floating our national flag under guaranties which would make 
impossible (without manifest violence) this proposed unprecedented ag- 
gression. I am convinced that besides flying the national flag and 
having the sovereignty of Spain recognized in a formal manner, the 
principal guaranty must be — and I shall require it unconditionally — 
that they shall agree to let us garrison with Spanish troops the prin- 
cipal fort of Sulu, the residence of the Sultan. To this end I have 
decided to embark in the pilot boat "Pasig" and make my way to Jolo 
without delay, where, if I do not obtain the results which I have here 
set forth, it will certainly not be through lack of zeal and activity, but 
through encountering obstacles beyond my control or influence, and owing 
to diflBculties incident to the temperament of those people and the ancient 
prejudices which, owing to a series of events stretching through cen- 
turies, they feel towards us, as is only too well known to your Excellency. 
To aid me in these operations and to meet possible contingencies — 
since there will be needed there, in case of success, an expert and trust- 
worthy officer — and to carry out reconnaisances and make plans which 
cannot fail to be always of the greatest usefulness to the government at 
Manila, I shall invite the chief of engineers of this place, Don Emilio 
Bernaldez, to accompany me, if the exigencies of the service do not 
demand his presence here and at Pasanhan. All of which I have the 


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honor to lay before your Excellency in the hope that it may merit your 
entire approval. May God preserve your Excellency many years. 

Zamboanga, June 8, 18^0, 

Cayetano Figueroa. 

His high Excellency the Governor and Captain- General of these 
Philippine Islands. 

Office of the Secretary of the Governor and Captain-General 

OF THE Philippines. 

Zamboanga, June 5th, 1849. — Mr. Consul-General : — I have the honor 
to inform you that from notices received from Jolo, it has come to 
my knowledge that during your stay there with the steamer "Nemesis" 
you negotiated a commercial treaty with tlie Sultan Mohammed Pulalun ; 
and as I am entirely ignorant of its essential clauses, and as my Govern- 
ment has for a long time past, and especially of late, been in possession 
or enjoyment through solemn treaties, the first made with the Malay 
chiefs, masters of the coasts of Siilu, of the right that our commercial 
flag be at least as privileged as any other ; and in view of the indisputable 
rights which Spain has to the territory in question, rights not merely 
of prescription ; I have the honor to request, in view of the close friend- 
ship which unites our respective Governments and which I honor myself 
in maintaining, that you have the kindness to give me, officially, knowl- 
edge of the said treaty and a copy thereof in order that I may forward it 
to the most excellent, the Governor-General of these Philippine Islands, 
without prejudice to my making before you, if the spirit of any of these 
articles so requires, the remonstrances that may be necessary to uphold 
the rights of Spain. — Eeceive, Mr. Consul-General, the assurance of my 

consideration, etc. 

C. de Figueroa. 
To Sir James Brooke, 

Consul'Oeneral of her Britannic Majesty in Borneo 

and Governor of Lahiian. 

H. M. S. "Nemesis," June 3rd, 1849.— Sir:— I have the honor to 
reply to your communication of this date; and as the quickest way to 
furnish your Excellency with the information desired, I inclose herewith 
a copy of the agreement recently made with the Government of Sulu. 
It would be improii table to discuss at this time the rights of Spain to 
which you make allusion, and the interests of Gjeat Britain, which are 
involved, but as the best means of preserving the cordial relations which 
should always exist between the public servants of our respective govern- 
ments, I propose to forward our present correspondence to the Secretary 
of Foreign Affairs of her Britannic Majesty. Nevertheless, permit me 


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to say that my opinion is that the interests of Spain and of Great Britain 
in these seas should be considered entirely harmonious and equally op- 
posed to any system of oppresssion or of monopoly. — I have the honor to 
be, with the greatest consideration, Sir, Your obedient servant. 

Commissioner and Consul-General. 
To His Excellency 

C. DE FiouEROA, Governor of Zamhoanga, 

Her Majesty, the Queen of the United Kindom of Great Britain and 
Ireland, desirous of encouraging commerce between her subjects and 
those of the independent princes in the Eastern seas, and of putting an 
end to the piracy which has up to this time hindered said commerce : and 
his Highness the Sultan Mohammed Pulalun who occupies the throne 
and governs the territories of Sulu, animated by like sentiments and 
desirous of co-operating in the measures which may be necessary for the 
achievement of the objects mentioned; have resolved to place on record 
their determination on these points by an agreement which contains 
the following articles: Article 1. From now on there shall be peace, 
friendship, and good understanding between her Majesty the Queen of 
Great Britain and Ii-eland and his Highness Mohammed Pulalun, Sultan 
of Sulu, and between their respective heirs and successors, and between 
their subjects. Article 2. The subjects of her Britannic Majesty shall 
have complete liberty to enter, reside, carry on business, and pass with 
their merchandise through all parts of the dominions of his Highness the 
Sultan of Sulu, and they shall enjoy in them all the privileges and advan- 
tages with respect to commerce or in connection with any other matter 
whatever which are at this time enjoyed by, or which in the future may be 
granted to, the subjects or citizens of the most favored nation; and the 
subjects of his Highness the Sultan of Sulu- shall likewise be free to 
enter, reside, carry on business, and pass with their merchandise to all 
parts of the dominions of her Britannic Majesty, in Europe as well as 
in Asia, as freely as the subjects of the most favored nation, and they 
shall enjoy in said dominions all the privileges and advantages with 
respect to commerce and in connection with other matters which are now 
enjoyed b}', or which in the future may be granted to, the subjects or 
citizens of the most favored nation. Article 3. British subjects shall 
be permitted to buy, lease, or acquire in any lawful way whatever all 
kinds of property within the dominions of His Highness the Sultan of 
Sulu; and his Highness extends, as far as lies within his power, to 
every British subject who establishes himself in his dominions, the enjoy- 
ment of entire and complete protection and security to person and to 
property — as well any property which in the future may be acquired, as 
that which has already been acquired prior to the date of this agreement. 
Article 4. His Highness the Sultan of Sulu offers to allow the war vessels 


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of her Britannic Majesty and those of the India Company to enter 
freely the ports, rivers, and inlets situated within his dominions and to 
permit said vessels to supply themselves, at reasonable prices, with the 
goods and provisions which they may need from time to time. Article 
5. If any English vessel should be lost on the coasts of the dominions 
of his Highness the Sultan of Sulu the latter promises to lend every 
aid in his power for the recovery and delivery to the owners of every- 
thing than can be saved from said vessels ; and his Highness also promises 
to give entire protection to the officers and crew and to every person 
who may be aboard the shipwrecked vessel, as well as to their property. 
Article 6. Therefore, her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of 
Great Britain and Ireland, and the Sultan of Sulu, bind themselves to 
adopt such measures as lie within their power to suppress piracy within 
the seas, islands, and rivers under their respective jurisdiction or influence, 
and his Highness the Sultan of Sulu binds himself not to harbor or 
protect any person or vessel engaged in enterprises of a piratical nature. 
Article 7. His Highness the Sultan of Sulu, for the purpose of avoiding 
in the future any occasion for disagreement, promises to make no cession 
of territory within his dominions to any other nation, nor to subjects 
or citizens thereof, nor to acknowledge vassalage or feudality to any 
other power without the consent of her Britannic Majesty. Article 8. 
This treaty must be ratified, and the ratifications will therefore be 
exchanged in Job within two years from date. Home Copy. — Brooke. — 
Approved, etc. — Signed and sealed May 29, 1849. 

Zamboanga, June 5, 1849. — Mr. Consul-General : — I have received 
the letter which you have done me the honor to send under date of the 
day before yesterday in reply to mine, and I acknowledge receipt of copy 
of the treaty which you negotiated with his Highness the Sultan of Sulu 
on the 29th May last. I have no remarks to make, Mr. Consul-General, 
with respect to the first six articles of the treaty, for the clauses they 
contain are not of such an urgent character that my Government cannot 
postpone their discussion if it so deems ad\asable; but I might perhaps 
create in the future serious embarrassment to our respective Governments 
should I allow Article 7 to pass unnoticed. It establishes two principles 
of the most vital importance: (1st) His Highness the Sultan binds 
himself to recognize the sovereignty of no power without previously 
notifying her Britannic Majesty; and (2nd) to make, likewise, no cession 
of the least portion of the territor}^ of his dominions to any State, person 
or corporation. With relation to the first point, and waiving for the 
moment the question whether, because the Sultan is in possession, with 
slight exceptions, of the coast of Sulu, this island must be regarded as 
his exclusive domain, it is my duty, Mr. Consul-General, to inform you 


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that for a long time past the said Sultan of Sulu has admitted and 
acknowledged himself to be under the protection of her Catholic Majesty, 
recognizing the sovereignty of Spain in a public way and in official docu- 
ments which his Excellency the Governor-General of these Philippine 
Islands will be able to produce at the proper time and place. As regards 
the second point: I find no objection t6 the pledge of his Highness 
having all the force of free right with respect to those parts of his 
dominions lying outside of the island of Sulu, namely, the north and 
northeast part of Borneo, now under the rule of the Sultan; but under 
no circumstances with respect to the said island of Sulu and its neigh- 
boring islands; for not only can Spain not recognize in any power the 
right to intervene in the matter of ceding or not ceding the island of 
Sulu and its surrounding islands, as it is claimed can be done according 
to the terms of Article 7 of the Treaty; but Spain does not recognize 
this right even in the Sultan and Datus of Sulu, because, ss I have had 
the honor to inform you, Mr. Consul-General, these territories belong 
to Spain, by a right not prescribed, by a right in no way established by 
the conquest of this archipelago, but positively through the willing sub- 
mission of the real natives, the Gimbahans, who do now, and who at the 
end of the 17th century did> constitute the most numerous portion of 
its population, whose oppressors were then and are now the Sultan afid 
Datus, Malay Mussulmans. At this very time the chief of the Gimba- 
hans, this unfortunate and enslaved race, cherishes with respect and 
veneration his loving remembrance of Spain and holds in his possession 
the proofs of what I assert. This fact established, Mr. Consul-General, 
I am forcibly constrained to protest, which I accordingly do, against 
every claim in its favor by your nation on the tenns of the said Article 
7 of the treaty referred to of May 29th of the present year, since it 
prejudices the incontestable and recognized rights of the crown of Spain 
to the sovereignty of the territory of the island of Sulu and its surround- 
ing islands, and to its sovereignty over the present possessors of the 
coasts of this archipelago, begging that you will kindly acknowledge 
receipt of this letter in order to cover my responsibility to my Govern- 
ment. Eeceive, again, Mr. Consul-General, the assurances, etc. 


To Sir James Brooke, 

Consul-General for her Britannic Majesty in Borneo 

and Oovernor of Lahuan. 

H. M. S. "Nemesis," June 5, 1849.— Sir:— I have the honor to 
acknowledge receipt of your coiiimunication ; and as the matter in question 
will probably have to be discussed between our respective Governments, 
I think it better not to take up the objections raised by you in connection 


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with Article 7 of tlie treaty recently negotiated with his Highness the 
Sultan of Sulu. 1 have the honor to be, with great consideration, Sir, 
Your obedient servant. 


Commissioner and Consul-Gencral, 
To His Excellency, 

Col. C. DK FiGUEROA, Govcmor of Zamhoanga. 

Military and Civil Government, Town of Zamhoanga, No. 100, Gov- 
ernment Department. — Most Excellent Sir : — On reembarking at Malusu, 
March 31st last, returning from the operations which I had conducted 
against the same on that same day, following instructions received from 
your office in a communication of the 17th of the said month of May, the 
result of which I reported to the most Excellent the Captain-General in 
an official letter of the 2nd instant, No. 209, the w^ar vessel of the English 
East India Company, the "Nemesis" was sighted and soon afterwards 
cast anchor in our vicinity. Aboard the vessel was Sir James Brooke, 
Consul-General for his country in Borneo and Governor of Labuan; 
and as a result of a long conference I had with the latter gentleman 
in regard to recent events in Sulu — which conference it was agreed to 
continue in this place immediately upon my arrival here-— I gave him, 
successively, the two communications of which I attach copies ; with them 
I send to your Excellency letters dated the 3rd and 5th instant replying to 
mine in terms that your Excellency will see embodied in the two original 
letters of corresponding dates, which I likewise enclose herewith, retaining 
copies of them, as also an authorized copy of the treaty or agreement of 
the 29th of last May, also enclosed; feeling confident that the indulgence 
of your Excellency will approve my action in this delicate matter. May 
God preserve your Excellency many years. 

Zamboanga, June 0th, ISJ^Q. 

Cayetano Figueroa. 

The most Excellent, The Governor and Captain-General of the 

Copies. — Jose Maria Peiiaranda: (his flourish). 


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Appendix XVII 


Office of the Captain-General and Governor of the Philippines. 

To his Excellency, The Secretary of State and of the Office of 
Gohemacim of the Kingdom, 1 have the honor to state the following, on 
this date, and under No. 499. 

By the communiciations which I had the honor to send your Excellency 
from Zamboanga on the 23rd of June and 4th of July last, and that of 
the General second in command. No. 482, your Excellency must have been 
informed of the treaty which has been made in Jolo by the Englishman 
Sir James Brooke, of the answer of the Governor of Zamboanga to the 
latter and his negotiation with the Sultan and Datus to have the treaty 
left without effect, without obtaining the least satisfaction. 

It will therefore be necessar}^ that the question be settled between the 
two Cabinets, and I believe that Holland will take our part, as she has an 
illfeeling against England on account of the latter's usurpations in Bor- 
neo, contrary to the spirit of the treaty of March 17, 1824, between the 
two countries, and must fear to see her rich possessions surrounded by 
those of so powerful a rival. The communications of her Majesty's 
Consul in Singapore and his confidential correspondence with the Gov- 
ernor-General of Java, which he has forwarded to the Secretary of State, 
show that the Dutch Government wishes to maintain the most friendly 
relations with Spain. Although ' the English press in Singapore and 
Hong-Kong are still speaking of a Dutch expedition against Jolo, nothing 
has been done hitherto, and the favorable season for such an expedition 
has passed. 

As the correspondence between Brooke and the Governor of Zam- 
boanga will probably play an important part in the future correspondence 
with the British Government, I believe it is my duty to submit a few 
remarks in regard to the action taken by the said Governor. Notwith- 
standing that the objections, which he submitted to Brooke in regard to 

^ From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 


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Article 7 of the treaty, were well founded, he ought not to have entered 
upon such a discussion, and much less to have particularized it in such 
a way: he ought to have protested against the treaty as a whole, and to 
have declared it null, as made without the consent of Spain, which holds 
not only a protectorate, but sovereignty or dominion over the territory. 
The second defect that I find in the same letter to Brooke, is his basing 
our right to the sovereignty over Sulu on the "free submission of the 
true natives of the Gimbahan race, who live in the interior of the island 
and are oppressed by the Sultan and the Datus." Although there is some 
truth in that statement, and we might take advantage of this element 
in case of a war with the Sultan, I believe that it ought not to have been 
made under the present circumstances, as, on the same principle, we 
would invalidate the rights founded by us on the different treaties made 
by Spain with the Sultan and Datus of Sulu. The acknowledgment 
made by the latter of the sovereignty of Spain during over two centuries 
and more especially in the treaties of 1646, 1737 and 1836, by the first 
of which they pledge themselves to pay, as vassals, a tribute of three 
boatloads of rice, as recorded in the Archives, is a powerful argument in 
favor of our rights, which the Sultan has often confirmed in his com- 
munications to this Government and in the passports which he gives his 
subjects, on printed forms supplied by my predecessor; — I enclose here- 
with a copy of one of said passports. 

The British, who doubtless do not feel very certain about their rights, 
try to excuse their conduct through the press, a^ they did when they 
occupied Labuan by force. The Singapore Free Press of the 6th of July 
published an article in which it alleges, for the purpose of proving that. 
Sulu has always been considered as a sovereign independent power, that 
we said nothing to England when she accepted the cession of the island 
of Balambangan, between Borneo and Palawan. Even supposing the 
fact to be true, tliere would be nothing astonishing about it, considering 
the distress and the lack of means of the Government at that time, after 
the war which, but a few years before, it had miraculously carried on 
against the English who held Manila and many other places in the 
islands, and the work it had to do in order to put down interior rebellions, 
to reorganize the administration and to reestablish normal conditions 
in tlie provinces which had been left uncontrolled during four years 
and liad suffered tlie consequences of circumstances so unfortunate. 
Furthermore, the cession of Balambangan cannot be considered as an 
act of free will on the part of the Sulus, since they took advantage of 
the first opportunity to drive the British off the island, when they had 
hardly started to firmly establish their trading posts. The newspaper 
also mentions the doctrine of Walter, which says that an agreement 
similar to that existing between the Spanish and Sulu Governments does 
not entirely derogate the sovereignty of the protected state, which can 


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make treaties and contract alliances, except wlien it has expressly re- 
nounced its right to do so; and that if the first state fails to protect 
the other, the treaty is invalidated; the author of the article adds 
that this is our case, since we allowed the Dutch to attack Sulu without 
interfering, or, as far as known, requiring a reparation or the assurance 
that such an attack would not be renewed. 

With regard to the first point, the reference to Walter is correct, but 
Walter adds in the same paragraph that "the protected nation is bound 
forever by the treaty of protection, so that it can undertake no engage- 
ments which would be contrary to said treaty, that is to say, that would 
violate any of the express conditions of the protectorate, or he inconsistent 
with any treaty of the said class:'' how then could Article 7 of the 
treaty made by Brooke be valid, when by said article the Sultan pledges 
himself to recognize the sovereignty of no power without the previous 
consent of her Britannic Majesty, and not to cede the smallest part of 
the territory of his dominions to any state, person or corporation, said 
Sultan having already recognized the sovereignty of Spain and the rights 
of the latter over the greater part of his territory, in which the island 
of Palawan, which was ceded to us in the last century by the kings of 
Bruney is included by mistake. 

In regard to the second point, the author of the article is also in the 
wrong: for this Government was neither aware of the intentions of the 
Dutch, nor was its assistance requested by the Sultan; and your Excel- 
lency knows in what terms I wrote to the Governor-General of Java about 
that matter. — If I have given so many details, despite their not being 
new to your Excellency it is because the article of the Singapore Free 
Press may have been inspired by the British Government, and deserves 
therefore not to be left unnoticed. 

In the event of which 1 am writing, your Excellency will see the 
fulfilment of my predictions, and it may perhaps be only the prelude 
of events of still greater importance. 

Thus I cannot but earnestly recommend to your Excellency's notice 
the necessity that the Governor of the Philippines have very detailed 
instructions or very ample powers to proceed as regards the Southern 
regions in accordance with what he believes best suited to her Majesty's 
interests and to the security of these rich possessions. In this connec- 
tion I take the liberty of recommending to your Excellency such action 
as our Sovereign the Queen may deem most wise on my communication 
(cofisulta) number 359 and others relative to the same subject. 

Perhaps, as I mentioned in my communication of the 4th of July 
last, the only advantageous issue for us would be to send a strong expedi- 
tion and to occupy Jolo, our action being warranted by the piratical 
acts committed by several small boats of Bwal, Sulu; the Dutch may 


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avail themselves of the same excuse and send an expedition before us, 
if, as is possible, other pancos ^ [Moro boats] have gone south for the 
same purpose; but anyhow the behavior of the Sultan and Datus of 
Sulu would give us excellent reasons for taking action against them at 
any time. 

God keep your Excellency many years. 

Manila, August 16, 18J/9. 

The CouxT OF Manila. 

His Excellency, the Secretary of State and "Gobernacion." 

^ Vessels up to 80 feet length by 18 or 20 beam, made of wood, bamboo, nipah, and 
rattan. The Moros arm them by placing at the two sides lantakas and falconets, mounted 
on iron swivels, and at the bow and stern, cannon set in stout pieces of timber. The 
sails are usually of matting made of saguran [a kind of palm-leaf], spread on bamboo 
poles. (Note in Montero y Vidal's History of the Piracy of the Mohammedan Malays.) 


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Appendix XVIII 


Genkiul Government of the Philippines, 

TuEASLUY Department, 
Manila, February 2Jfth, 1S77, 

In view of the cominunieations of the politico-military governor of 
Sulu of October 6th of last year, in which he suggests to this general 
government the concession of various exemptions in favor of the natives 
of these islands and of any Chinamen who shall establish themselves in 
the said place, to the end that by this means there may be promoted 
the immigration which the interests of that island demand : 

In view of the reports issued in the premises by the central adminis- 
tration of imposts, the office of the insular auditor,^ and the insular 
departments of civil administration and the treasury : and 

Deeming it expedient, for the realization of the high purposes that 
required the military occupation of Jolo and for the progressive and 
efficacious development of the moral and material interests of this young 
colony, that there should be granted certain exemptions for the encourage- 
ment of the immigration thereto of the greatest possible number of 
inhabitants: this office of the general government in conformity witli 
the suggestions made by the treasury department, and in accordance 
with the statements made by the department of civil administration, 
disposes the following: 

1. All immigrants to the island of Sulu, of whatever class, race, or 
nationality, who shall establish themselves definitively in the same, 
engaging in agricultural, industrial, or commercial pursuits, or in any 
art, trade, or occupation, shall be exempt during ten years from all the 
contributions or taxes imposed, or which in the future may be imposed, 
upon the inhabitants of the Philippine Archipelago. 

2. Tlie children of immigrants to Sulu, bom in said island or who 
establish themselves there before becoming taxpayers in the pueblos of 
their birth, shall commence to pay taxes at the age of twenty-five years, 
but shall be exempt from military service so long as they reside in the 
said island. 

* From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau. Manila. 
' Sp. Contaduria General. 



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This decree shall be published in the Official Gazette and communi- 
cated to the council of administration, the office of the captain-general, 
and the insular department of civil administration ; and shall be returned 
to the treasury department for such further action as may be proper. 


General Government of the Philippines, 

Treasury Department, 
Manila, August 10, 1887, 

In view of the investigation conducted by the intendant-general of 
the treasury with the object of dctennining whether it would be ex- 
pedient to prolong the term of exemption from all kinds of taxes and 
imposts in favor of natives and of immigrants of whatever race or 
nationality who are establislied, or who shall establish themselves, in 
Sulu for the purpose of engaging in any kind of industry, commerce, 
profession, art, or trade, or in agriculture: 

In view of the reports issued by the said directive bureau of the 
treasury and the poMtico-military governor of Sulu: 

And considering that exemption from all burdens constitutes one of 
the most efficacious means of encouraging the immigration demanded 
by the interest of the archipelago in question; this general government, 
in conformity with the suggestions made by the office of the intendant 
of the treasury and the politico-military governor of Sulu, disposes that 
the term of exemption granted by superior decree of this general govern- 
ment of February 24th, 1877, shall be understood as extended for another 
tenn of ten years, the said extension to be reckoned from the day follow- 
ing that on which the first term expires, that is, from the 25th day of 
February of the current year. 

This decree shall be published in the Official: Gazette; the Govern- 
ment of his Majesty shall be infomied thereof and a copy of the records 
transmitted; it shall be communicated to the council of administration, 
the tribunal of accounts, tlie office of the Captain-General, and the in- 
sular department of civil administration; and shall be returned to Ihe 
office of the intendant of the treasury for any further action that may 
be proper. 


Office of the Governor-General of the Philippines. 

Most excellent and most illustrious Sir: The politico-military 
governor of Sulu, in a communication dated the 9th instant, states as 
follows : 

Most excellent Sir: As the time expiration of tlie exemptions granted to 
Sulu and its port by decree of the general government under the able direction 


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of your Excellency, dated February 24th, 1877, and extended by superior order 
issued from the same office for another term of ten years, on August 23rd, 1887, 
is drawing near, the person who has the honor to sign hereunder believes that 
the moment has come to call the attention of your Excellency to the matter, and 
he takes the liberty to set down some remarks in the premises, to the end that 
when your Excellency determines what is deemed most expedient, they may be 
taken under advisement. 

In the exemptions granted to Sulu, it must be borne in mind that they affect 
two distinct elements, which constitute the life and favor the development of 
this locality. Some have reference to the exemption from all taxes, tributes, 
and gabels imposed, or to be imposed, in favor of natives or foreigners taking 
up their abode in the Sulu archipelago. Others refer exclusively to the declara- 
tion of a free port, with exemption from all taxes and customs formalities in 
favor of the capital of the island. 

In treating this question and in considering what ought to be done in the 
future, when the moment arrives for determining whether a fresh extension is 
expedient, or whether, on the contrary, this territory must enter upon the normal 
administrative life general in other localities of the Philippine Archipelago, the 
subject must be dealt with under the two aspects above set forth. In regard 
to the declaration of freedom of the port granted to Jolo, it is undoubtedly 
expedient to continue it for the present without change. So long as the protocol 
entered into with the other nations who are parties thereto, continues in force — ■ 
in which protocol . our incontestable right of sovereignty over this archipelago, 
with the limitations therein stipulated, is declared — it would be highly impolitic 
to close the period of franchise granted to this port. Should there be established 
the embarrassing obstacles and difficulties to commerce entailed by the formalities 
of customs regulations, the English steamers which now carry on the trade with 
Singapore, would immediately cease to visit this port and would make their 
destination some other port of the island, where, under the provisions of the 
protocol above referred to, no one could lawfully obstruct them until after the 
effective occupation of the new port selected for trading operations, and until 
after having allowed to elapse the requisite time subsequent to publishing this 
resolution in the official papers of the Peninsula. The distinguished intelligence 
of your Excellency will perceive easily that after this had been repeated several 
times, we should find ourselves compelled either to occupy effectively all the 
islands of the Sulu archipelago where English steamers might attempt to 
establish their business, or, in the end, to allow them to carry on their commercial 
operations at any place that suited them, which, without doubt, would be much 
more prejudicial than what happens at the present time; for, at any rate, so 
long as steamers come exclusively to this port or to that of Siasi, as is the 
case at present, the trade can be watched easily and conveniently and without 
the commercial operations which are carried on giving rise to diplomatic ques- 
tions; it is easy, also to prevent the traffic of arms and war supplies, which 
would not be the case if they touched at other points where our sphere of action 
is not so direct and effective. Furthermore, the advantages of the present 
situation must also be taken into account. So long as these steamers touch only 
at Jolo and Siasi, as happens now, these two points are the only markets, 
whither all the people of the archipelago must necessarily go to trade, not only 
to supply themselves with the effects which they import and are necessary to 
life, but also to sell all the products they gather in their fields and in the seas, 
which constitute the element of commerce that justifies English vessels in 
visiting these regions, making it possible to collect sufficient freight to maintain 
the two regular lines now established. It is obvious that, since we are masters 


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of the towns of Jolo and Siasi — the only points of distribution for effects necessary 
to the life of the natives here — we can, when we consider it expedient, prevent 
the sale of these effects to the villages hostile to the city, a most momentous 
advantage resulting therefrom and a means of government of inestimable value. 
So long as the Moros have to supply themselves from these markets, our im- 
portance is incontestable; all their outbreaks are easily checked without appeal 
to violent methods; and the civilizing effect which results from the constant 
intercourse which is necessitated by their coming to the occupied ports, is 
extended, thereby modifying the sanguinary and turbulent habits of this race. 
If the revenues from the duties which would be imposed were of sufficient 
importance to cover the expenses entailed by the occupation of Sulu, the arguments 
supporting the opinion above expressed could easily be set aside. But unfor- 
tunately there am not be expected from the custom house of Jolo, in the event 
of its establishment, even the expenses necessary to cover the salaries of the 
personnel engaged therein. For, the foreign steamers which now visit this port 
would immediately discontinue their voyages, and even though it were possible 
to prevent them from making port at some other place for the purpose of carrying 
on their mercantile operations — a thing which would not be easy so long as the 
treaty is in force — w^hat would happen? Why, that the trade would be continued 
by means of smaller boats which would come from Borneo, and it would not 
be feasible to prevent this except by the posting of a very large number of coast- 
guards along the shores of the innumerable islands of Sulu, a method which it 
would be altogether impossible to adopt. It is, therefore, unquestionably ex- 
pedient to maintain the present status, whether the matter be considered under 
its economic aspect or under that of the policy it is necessarj' to develop in this 
territory. A very different course must, in the opinion of the undersigned, be 
followed in the matter of the exemption from taxation granted to the inhabitants 
of Sulu. These exists here a numerous Chinese colony, which is the element that 
really enjoys the benefit of the advantages flowing from the present free-port 
conditions, and it is neither just nor equitable that, while the Chinese find in us 
the support and protection which enable them to carry on and develop the trade 
in which they alone engage, they should not contribute in any way towards the 
expenses of the Government which furnishes them so many advantages. It is, 
therefore, expedient to impose upon all Chinaman residing in the Sulu territory 
the obligation to pay the same taxes as are paid by those of the same race in 
other parts of the Philippines. The establishment of this system promises not 
only the profit of the sums which would be collected as a consequence thereof, 
but also the desideratum of introducing order into the anarchical manner of 
life obtaining among the Chinese here. As soon as the obligation to pay taxes 
is imposed ujwn all and the lists of tax-payers are made up, individual interest 
will see to it that all persons living in the country are included therein; for it 
is unquestionable that, since each desires to be placed under the same conditions 
as the the other, the Chinamen themselves will be of very greut assistance in 
discovering those who now are not included in the incomplete and untrustworthy 
census lists existing in the offices of the Government of Sulu. It is .believed, 
then, that it is expedient and just to discontinue the franchise now enjoyed by 
the Chinese here, and that they should begin to contribute at once towards 
defraying the expenses of the treasury, paying at least as much as is paid by 
their countrymen in other parts of the Philippines. It would appear also equi- 
table that the Indians residing here should also begin to pay the cMulaa * of the 

^Personal registration fees. 


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class to which they respectively belong; but there must be borne in mind the 
limited number of individuals of this race residing here; the expediency of 
encouraging by this means the immigration of fresh residents; and, above, all, 
the services they render in any case of alarm, whether caused by juramenlados 
or by more serious aggressions attempted against the city; all of which circum- 
stances make it proper that they should continue enjoying the exemption from 
the payment of poll-tax which they now enjoy, as also exemption from all the 
other taxes upon the insignificant industries from which they gain a subsistence. 
The treasury could not hope for any happy results in this direction; and, on 
the other hand, if such a tax were imposed, the place would, in a very short 
time, be left entirely without any civilian population; for only with difficulty, 
and thanks to the franchises, can persons be found who will face the constant 
danger in which residents in Jolo are placed — especially those who engage in the 
cultivation of the soil in the outskirts of the town; of which class the civilian 
population is, in a very large majority, composed. 

It remains, only, most excellent Sir, to discuss the expediency, or otherwise, 
of establishing taxation upon commerce, industry, and property. All the urban 
property of Jolo is in the hands of the Chinese, with so few exceptions that 
there are not more than three property holders who do not belong to that race. 
In their hands is all the commerce, with the sole exception of two Spanish 
houses: every thing relating to business is in their power; so that any burden 
imposed in this direction would not be borne by them, but would be paid by the 
garrison of Jolo. For, united as the Chinamen are in every thing that relates 
to the avoidance of tax-paying, they would come to a perfect understanding to 
surtax every thing, — not in the same proportion as the contributions they would 
pay, but with a considerable increase, with the result that the only tax-payer to 
the treasury and for the Chinaman M'ould be the unfortunate inhabitant of Jolo. 
And since the population here consists almost entirely of the garrison, which 
renders such arduous services at this place, I believe that it would not be just 
to add to the other disadvantages that the service here offers, the very serious 
one that would result from the imposition of taxes in this capital. Furthermore, 
one must not lose sight of what might happen or rather what would immediately 
happen, when, by taxing the commerce of the city, the majority of the Chinamen 
now established here would go to Maymbung, with a tendency to store their 
merchandise at other important points in the island, in which places our rule is, 
it may be said, nominal, and it is unnecessary to insist upon the undesirable 
consequences that would follow; for we should return to the condition in which 
Maymbung stood in April of the year 1887, when this town was a very important 
center of resistence to our rule, due to the facility afforded in that place for the 
purchase of unlimited arms and ammunition, a business carried on by the foreign 
steamers who anchored there at that time. And all this without taking into 
account the undosirability, from a political point of view, of affording the Moros 
the opportunity of purchasing tlieir supplies at prices lower than those in this 
city; since, if the merchants in that town did not pay taxes they would be able 
to sell at lower prices than those in the capital. Summing up what I have 
stated above and recapitulating the questions herein treated, I will conclude by 
submitting to the distinguished intelligence of your Excellency that I consider 
necessary and of the highest political expediency the maintenance of the freedom 
of the port granted to Jolo; that this franchise should be extended to Siasi, 
which enjoys this privilege in fact though not by right; and that care should 
be taken to prevent the slightest obstacle from interfering with the trade at both 
points, to the end that foreign steamers may, in their own interest, touch only 

71296 17 


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at these two points of the archipelago of Sulu; that the Chinamen should be 
formed into guilds or associations, after the pattern of the organizations prevail- 
ing in other parts of the Philippines, these being necessary, further, to the 
making up of the lists of tax-payers; that, as a consequence of the formation 
of these associations, they should be compelled to pay taxes to the same extent 
as all other Chinamen residing in the country, unless your Excellency is of the 
opinion that the quota should be increased in consideration of the other advantages 
they enjoy; that there should be imposed a tax upon smokers of opium and 
upon the importation thereof. This tax would be a source of revenue of some 
consideration if it were farmed, as was the intention four years ago, when sale 
to the highest bidder was desisted from in view of the decree of franchises which 
is the subject of this communication. Finally, that property, commerce, and 
industries should not be taxed, nor should the civilian population be burdened 
\vith the poll-tax, since the latter deserve consideration by reason of the arduous 
services they render in this place; and this applies to the garrison, as well as 
to the civilians who make up the town, who, in the end, would be the persons 
who alone would have to bear these burdens. Such, most excellent Sir, is the 
opinion, expressed as succinctly as possible, of the undersigned in regard to these 
matters, which, at no distant* date, will present themselves for resolution and 
which your Excellency will determine with your well-known ability and good 

Which I have the pleasure to transmit to your most Illustrious Excel- 
lency, to the end that you may take note of the part relating to the 
economic side of this question. 

God preserve your most illustrious Excellency for many years. 

Manila, July Slst, 1S96, 


To the most excellent and most illustrious the Intendant-General 
OF THE Treasury. 

Office of the Tntexdant-General of the Treasury 
Division of Direct Imposts 

Most excellent and most illustrious Sir: The just considerations 
set forth by the politico -military governor of Sulu in a communication 
addressed to his high Excellency the Governor- General of these islands 
on July 9th of last year, forwarded to your most illustrious Lordship on 
the 31st of the same month and year, reveal a close study of the ques- 
tions treated, based upon practice and experience. 

The chief of the division of direct imposts, who signs hereunder, in 
presenting the report ordered by your most illustrious Lordship in your 
decree of the first day of the following August, must begin by expressing 
at once his conformity with the views given by the governor of Sulu, 
in the part relating to this division. 

Undoubtedly considerations of the highest political moment led the 
high authorities of the Archipelago, on August 23rd of 1887, to extend 
for another term of ten years the franchises granted to Sulu, and since 


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these considerations have not ceased to be of moment, to judge from the 
enlightened views expressed by the said politico-military governor, it 
is to be presumed that it is expedient to grant a fresh concession of 
franchises ; but not, at this time, for a period of time equal to that about 
to expire, though for a period that might well be half that of the previous 
term; for, regarding the matter prudently, it might happen that during 
this lapse of time the conditions in the places under discussion should 
alter in such a way as to counsel either the total suppression of the 
liberties in question or their partial modification. 

But if there are considerations in favor of this new concession, equity 
counsels that there be excluded therefrom the Chinese in so far as relates 
to the imposition of the poll-tax, since they control all the business and 
are the only persons who really exploit that region. 

Consequently, the chief of the division of direct imposts has the honor 
to report to your most illustrious Lordship : 

1. That it be recommended to his high Excellency the Governor- 
General of these Islands, that, to take the place of the present franchises, 
there be granted again, at the proper time, to the ports of Jolo and 
Siasi, the exemption from the payment of all urban and industrial taxes 
in favor of the natives and of the Chinese established at those points. 

2. That there be created at once the imposition of the poll-tax upon 
the Chinese. 

3. That the natives and the civilian population l)e exempt from the 
payment of poll-tax. 

Your most illustrious I^ordship will, however, determine whatever he 
deems most expedient. 

Manila, August 6ili, 1897. 

Marcelino Paciieco. 

Office of the Intendant-Geneiial of the Treasury 
Division of Indirect Imposts 

Most excellent and most illustrious Sir: In compliance witli 
the decree which, under date of August 10 of the current year, your most 
illustrious p]xcellency saw fit to issue, to the effect that, in the shortest 
possible space of time the divisions of imposts should report upon the 
matters concerning each one in the proceedings set on foot' by the 
politico-military governor of Sulu in regard to the expediency or the 
inexpediency of the renewal of the exemption from taxation enjoyed 
by the natives in that place, I have to state to your illustrious Excellency 

1. The imdersigned chief, fully agreeing with the enlightened views 
set forth by the governor of Sulu, believes that the maintenance of the 


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declaration of freedom of the port granted to Jolo is of the highest 
political moment and that the franchise should be extended to Siasi. 

2. That in regard to indirect imposts which are of such a nature that, 
while they are a source of profit to the state, they bring also no small 
benefit to the tax-payer, these should be made applicable to tlie Sulu 
archipelago, as undoubtedly has been the case, as a matter of fact, up 
to the present time in regard to the stamp and lottery revenues. 

3. Both for the reasons set forth by the governor of Sulu as well as 
for these given by his predecessor on June 11, 1893, in favor of a tax 
upon opium smokers, the undersigned chief believes that it is not only 
just but a matter of the greatest necessity to continue the imposition 
of this tax. 

Your most illustrious Excellency will, however, order whatever he 
deems most expedient. 

Manila, September 10th, 1897, 

Jose Gauges de Maroilla. 

Office of the Intenbant-General of the Treasury, 

Manila, December 28, 1897. 
Let the report of the Chamber of Commerce and of the administration 
of customs of Manila he heard, within one and the same period of five 



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Appendix XIX 


General GtovEKNMBNT op the Philippines 

ROYAL order 

Colonial office.— No. 281.— Excellent Sir: The Secretary of State 
sent the following communication to this office on the 26th of March 
last: By Royal order communicated by the Secretary of State and for 
such action as is indicated therein I deliver herewith to your Excellency 
a copy of the protocol signed on the 11th inst. by Senor Manuel Silvela, 
Secretary of State, and by the representatives of Great Britain and 
Germany, for the purpose of establishing the liberty of trade and com- 
merce in the Sulu seas; said protocol takes effect on this date, as 
specified in Article 5 of the same. — Referred to your Excellency by Royal 
order with a copy of the protocol, for its execution. — God keep your 
Excellency many years. 

Madrid, April 2, 1877. 

Martin de Herrera. 

The Governor-General of the Philippine Islands. 

Manila, May SO, 1877, 
The above order shall be executed, communicated and published. 

[Protocol referred to.] 

The Hon. Austin Henry Layard, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary of her Britannic Majesty; and Count Von Hatzfeldt, 
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary of his Majesty the 
Emperor of Germany, commissioned by their respective Governments 
to terminate the difficulties which have occurred in the Sulu seas and to 
establish for that purpose, in a final way, the liberty of commerce in 
those seas, acknowledged by the Secretary of State of Spain in the Notes 
which he sent on April 15, 1876, to the representatives of Great Britain 
and Germany; 

> From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 


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After having examined with due attention the preliminaries of the 
question and especially the negotiations formerly carried on between the 
Governments of Great Britain and Germany and that of Spain, have 
agreed to draw up the following Protocol : 

The Secretary of State of Spain, in the name of liis Government, says : 

Considering the preliminary fact that the German ships "Marie 
Louise" and "Gazelle" were returned and an indemnity paid for their 
cargoes in 1873 and 1874, and that the German ship "Minna" was 
returned twice in 1875 and 1874; 

Duly appreciating the increasing requirements of navigation and 
commerce, and above all the legal status constituted by the Notes of the 
Spanish Secretary of State dated the 15th of April last and by the 
official publication of said Kotes by the Governments of Great Britain 
and Germany, as also by the instructions given accordingly by said 
Governments to their consuls, agents and commanders of their naval 
forces ; 

Therefore the Government of his Majesty the King of Spain rec- 
ognizes that the merchant ships going to the Sulu archipelago can no 
longer be required to call first at Zamboanga, to pay the harbor dues 
there and to provide themselves with a navigation permit delivered at 
said port. It furthermore believes that it must acknowledge, as provided 
in the Notes of the 15th of April last, the complete liberty of direct 
trade and commerce for ships and subjects of Great Britain, the German 
Empire and the other powers, with the Sulu archipelago. 

Considering that the Governments of Great Britain and of Germany 
have maintained all their claims in regard to the liberty of navigation, 
commerce and direct trade with the Sulu archipelago and within the 
archipelago; that the Government of his Majesty the King of Spain 
admits that it cannot guarantee the security of commerce at unoccupied 
places of the archipelago in return for duties and dues paid, but will 
guarantee perfect security to the ships and subjects of Great Britain, 
Germany and the other powers at places occupied by said Government, 
and provide the establishments necessary for the protection of their 
trade, the Spanish Secretary of State remarks that there is no reason 
why said ships and subjects should be exempted, at places occupied by 
Spain, from the formalities, general regulations and ordinar}^ duties, 
whose nature will be expFained in the present Protocol. 

The undersigned representatives of Great Britain and of Germany 
refer, on their part, to the Notes and official communications seut by 
them on this matter to the Spanish Government, and requesting the 
latter to acknowledge the absolute libei-ty of commerce and trade in all 
parts of the Sulu archipelago, said at*knowledgment having been men- 
tioned by the Spanish Government in the Notes of April 15, 1876. 


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In consequence of what precedes and as the result of their conferences, 
the undersigned have agreed on the following declarations: 

Commerce and direct trading by ships and subjects of Great Britain, 
Germany and the other powers are declared to be and shall be absolutely 
free with the Sulu archipelago and in all parts thereof, as well as the 
right of fishery, without prejudice to the rights recognized to Spain by 
the present Protocol, in conformity with the following declarations : 


The Spanish authorities shall no longer require ships and subjects of 
Great Britain, Germany and the other powers, going freely to the 
archipelago of Sulu, or from one point to another within the Sulu waters, 
or from such a point to any other point in the world, to touch, before or 
after, at any specified place in the archipelago or elsewhere, to pay any 
duties whatsoever, or to get a permit from said authorities, which, on 
their side, shall refrain from obstructing or interfering in any way with 
the above mentioned trade. 

It is undei-stood that the Spanish authorities shall in no way and 
under no pretense prevent the free importation and exportation of all 
sorts of goods, without exception, save, at such places as are occupied, 
and in accordance with Declaration III, and that in all places not oc- 
cupied effectively by Spain, neither the ships and subjects above men- 
tioned nor their goods shall be liable to ^ny tax, duty or payment what- 
soever, or any sanitary or other regulation. 


In the places occupied by Spain in the archipelago of Sulu the Spanish 
Government shall be empowered to establish taxes and sanitary and 
other regulations, while said places are effectively occupied; but Spain 
pledges herself, on her part, to provide in such places the offices and 
employees necessary to meet the requirements of commerce and the ap- 
plication of said regulations. It is however expressly understood that 
the Spanish Government, while it is resolved to impose no restrictive 
regulations in the places occupied by it, pledges itself voluntarily not to 
establish in said, places taxes or duties exceeding those provided in the 
Spanish tariffs or in the treaties or conventions between Spain and any 
other power. Neither shall it put into force in said places exceptional 
regulations applicable to the commerce and subjects of Great Britain, 
Germany and the other powers. In case Spain should occupy effectively 
other places in the archipelago of Sulu, and provide thereat the offices and 


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employees necessary to meet the requirements of commerce, the Gov- 
ernments of Great Britain and Germany shall not object to the applica- 
tion of the rules already stipulated for places occupied at present. But, 
in order to avoid the possibility of new claims due to the uncertainty of 
business men in regard to the places which are occupied and subject to 
regulations and tariffs, the Spanish Government shall, whenever a place 
is occupied in the Sulu archipelago, communicate the fact to the Gov- 
ernments of Great Britain and Germany, and inform commerce at large 
by means of a notification which shall be published in the official journals 
of Madrid and Manila. In regard to the tariffs and regulations stipu- 
lated for places which are occupied at the present time, they shall only 
be applicable to the places which may be subsequently occupied by Spain 
six months after the date of publication in the Official Gazette of Madrid. 
It remains agreed that no ship or subject of Great Britain, Geimany and 
other powers shall be required to call at one of the occupied places, when 
going to or from a place not occupied by Spain, and that they shall not be 
liable to suffer prejudice on that account or on account of any class of 
merchandise shipped to an unoccupied place in the archipelago. 


The three Governments represented by the undersigned pledge them- - 
selves respectively to publish the present declarations and to have them 
strictly respected by their representatives, consular agents and com- 
manders of the naval forces in the seas of the Orient. 

If the Governments of Great Britain and Germany do not refuse their 
adhesion to the present Protocol within 15 days from this date, or if they 
notify their acceptance before the expiration of said period, through their 
undersigned representatives, the present Declarations shall then come into 

Manuel Silva, 
Secretary of State of his Majesty the King of Spain, 

Done at Madrid, the 11th of March, 1877. 

A true copy. — Madrid, April 2, 1877. — A true copy. — The Subsecre- 
tary, Francisco Rubio. 


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Appendix XX 


General Government of the Philippines 

ROYAL order 

Foreign OflBce.— No. 312.— Excellent Sir: The Secretary of State 
sends me the following commnnication on March 29th, 1885 : — Excellent 
Sir : I have the honor to forward you a translated copy of the protocol 
between Spain, Germany and Great Britain, the latter two nations 
recognizing the sovereignty of the first ovier the archipelago of Sulu, 
signed in Madrid on the 7th of March, 1885. — I send you this communi- 
cation by Royal order, and enclose a copy of the treaty referred to. God 
keep your Excellency many years. — Madrid, April 8, 1885. — Tejada. 

Manila, June 17, 1885. — To be executed and published in the Official 


A seal which says: Office of the Minister of State. — ^Translation. — 
The undersigned, his Excellency Senor Jose Elduayen, Marquis of Pazo 
de la Merced, Minister of State of his Majesty the King of Spain; His 
Excellency Senor Count Solms Sonnerwalds, Envoy Extraordinary and 
Minister Plenipotentiary of his Majesty the Emperor of Germany, and 
His Excellency Sir Robert B. D. Morier, Envoy Extraordinary and Min- 
ister Plenipotentiary of her Britannic Majesty, authorized in due form 
to carry on the negotiations followed in London and Berlin during the 
years 1881 and 1882 by the representatives of his Majesty the King of 
Spain with the Governments of Great Britain and Germany, for the 
purpose of obtaining from these two powers the solemn recognition of 
the sovereignty of Spain over the archipelago of Sulu, have agreed on the 
following articles : 


The Governments of Germany and Great Britain recognize the 
sovereignty of Spain over the parts which are effectively occupied as well 
as over those which are not yet occupied, of the archipelago of Suhi, 
whose limits are established in Article II. 

^ Prom the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 


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As expressed in Article I of the treaty signed on September 23, 1836, 
between the Spanish Government and the Sultan of Sulu, the arehi- 
pelgo of Sulu includes all the islands between the western extremity of 
the island of Mindanao on one side and the mainland of Borneo and 
the island of Palawan on the other, except those mentioned in Ar- 
ticle III. It is understood that the islands of Balabak and Kagayan 
Sulu belong to the arcliipelago. 


The Spanish Government renounces, as far as regards the British 
Government, all claims of sovereignty over the territories of the main- 
land of Borneo which belong or may have belonged to the Sultan of Sulu, 
including the neighboring islands of Balambangan, Banguey, Malawati, 
and all those compriseil within a zone of three maritime leagues from 
the coast, and which are part of the territories administered by the 
company known as "The British North Borneo Company." 


The Spanish Government pledges itself to carry out in the archipelago 
of Sulu the stipulations contained in Articles I, II, and III of the 
protocol signed in Madrid on March 11, 1877, viz.: (1) Commerce and 
direct trading by ships and subjects of Great Britain, Germany and 
the other powers are declared to be and shall be absolutely free with the 
archipelago of Sulu and in all pai*ts thereof, as well as the right of 
fishery, without prejudice to the rights recognized to Spain by the present 
Protocol, in conformity with the following declarations: (2) The Span- 
ish authorities shall no longer require ships and subjects of Great Britain, 
Germany and the other powers, going freely to the archipelago of Sulu, 
or from one point to another point in the world, to touch, before or 
after, at any specified place in the archipelago or elsewhere, to pay any 
duties whatsoever, or to get a permit from said authorities, who, on their 
side, shall refrain from obstructing or interfering in any way with the 
above mentioned trade. 

It is imderstood that the Spanish authorities shall in no way and 
under no pretense prevent the free importation and exportation of all 
sorts of goods, without exception, save at such places as are occupied, 
and in accordance witli Declaration 3, and that in all places not occupied 
effectively by Spain, neither the ships and subjects above mentioned 
nor their goods shall be subject to any tax, duty or payment whatsoever, 
or any sanitary or other regulation. (3) In the places occupied by 
Spain in the archipelago of Sulu, the Spanish Government shall be em- 
powered to establish taxes and sanitary and other regulations, while said 
places are effectively occupied; but Spain pledges herself, on her part, 


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to provide in such places the offices and employees necessary to meet the 
requirements of commerce and the application of said regulations. It 
is however expressly understood that the Spanish Government, which is 
resolved to impose no restrictive regulations in the places occupied by it, 
pledges itself voluntarily not to establish in said places taxes or duties 
exceeding those provided in the Spanish tariffs or in the treaties or con- 
ventions between Spain and any other power. Neither shall it put into 
force in said places exceptional regulations applicable to the commerce 
and subjects of Great Britain, Germany and the other powers. In case 
Spain should occupy effectively other places in the archipelago of Sulu, 
and provide thereat the offices and employees necessary to meet the re- 
(juirements of commerce, the Governments of Great Britain and Germany 
shall not object to the application of the rules already stipulated for places 
occupied at present. But in order to avoid the possibility of new claims 
due to the uncertainty of business men in regard to the places which are 
occupied and subject to regulations and tariffs, the Spanish Government 
shall, whenever a place is occupied in the Sulu archipelago, communicate 
the fact to the Governments of Great Britain and Germany, and inform 
commerce at large by means of a notification which shall be published in 
the Official Gazettes of Madrid and Manila. In regard to the tariffs and 
r^ulations stipulated for places which are occupied at the present time, 
they shall only be applicable to the places which may be subsequently oc- 
cupied by Spain six months after the date of publication in the Official 
Gazette of Madrid. 

It remains agreed that no ship or subject of Great Britain, Germany 
and the other powers shall be required to call at one of the occupied 
places, when going to or coming from a place not occupied by Spain, 
and that they shall not be liable to suffer prejudice on that account or 
on account of any class of merchandise addressed to an unoccupied place 
in the archipelago. 


The Government of her Britannic Majesty pledges itself to see that 
there is entire freedom of commerce and navigation, without distinction 
of flags, in the territory of North Borneo administered by the "British 
North Borneo Company.^' 

If the Governments of Great Britain and Germany do not refuse 

their adhesion to the present protocol within fifteen days from this date, ' 

or if they notify their acceptance before the expiration of said period, 

through their undersigned representatives, the present declarations shall 

then come into force. Done at Madrid the 7th of March, 1885. — Seal. — 

(Signed) J. Elduayen.— Seal. — (Signed) C. Solms.— Seal. — (Signed) 

R. B. D. Morier. 


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Appendix XXI 


Office of the Governor-General of the Philippines, 

Manila, March 1, 189 If, 
In view of the obligation incurred by the Sultan of Sulu by virtue of 
which the Moros of all the Sulu archipelago have to pay from the first 
day of January of next year, one real each, as a tribute of vassalage; 
and since it is necessary to organize this service in a regular manner 
and in harmony with the customs of the races living there, I decree the 
following : 

1. The Sultan of Sulu shall direct at once all the Datus and Chiefs 
of the Moro rancherias ^ to make up lists of the names of the inhabitants 
composing each aggregation, giving therein, besides the names, the status 
of each individual. 

2. These partial lists shall be fused in one single general census which 
the Sultan of Sulu shall deliver to the politico-military governor of that 
archipelago before October 1, of the current year. 

3. The interpreters of Jolo, Siasi, Tata'an, and Bangao shall assist 
the Sultan in the work of making up these lists and shall translate 
them into Spanish; and for this extra work they shall receive the 
allowances designated below, the amounts being deducted from the total 
proceeds of the liege-money above referred to. 


To the interpreter of Jolo P20 per month. 

To the junior lin^ist of Jolo " G Do. 

To the interpreter of Siasi " 8 Do. 

To the interpreter of Tata'an " 8 Do. 

To the interpreter of Bangao " 8 Do. 

4. As soon as the lists are completed and have been examined by the 
politico-military governor of Sulu, certified copies shall be sent to this 

^ From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 
' Settlements. 


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5. The collection of the tribute shall be made by means of certain 
special cedulas, which in due time will be furnished to the Sultan for 
distribution, who will collect the amounts paid in and deliver them over 
in specie at the office of the politico-military governor of Sulu. 

6. The total proceeds from the said tribute, after deducting the amount 
of the allowances to the interpreters, shall be devoted for the present 
to the development of the establishments of Jolo, and especially to the 
construction of roads. 

To be communicated. 



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Appendix XXH 


Manila, December 25, 1895, 
Ilis high Excellency the Minister of Colonial Affairs. 

Excellent Sir: In compliance with the Royal order communicated 
under date of the 23rd of October last, I have the honor to send to your 
Excellency a copy of the previous record of investigations transmitted 
by the office of this General Government, together with the report of the 
office of the secretary, the remittance of which your Excellency requests. 

The inquiry- formulated by the politico-military governor of Sulu, 
arising out of a resolution of the fishery board of the naval station 
relative to the order prohibiting foreign subjects from engaging in the 
pearl fisheries in the waters of the Sulu archipelago, did not call for a 
speedy resolution nor a close study, it being sufficient to bring the matter 
to the knowledge of your Excellency without entering deeply into the 
question involved, in order not to prejudice the resolution of the same, 
leaving to the supreme judgment of his Majesty's Government the entire 
appreciation of its reach and consequences, as the only authority ac- 
quainted with the demands of our international relations and the influence 
thereon of a decision in regard to a matter of such recognized importance 
as is that of the interpretation to be given to Declaration I of the Sulu 
Protocol of May 11th of 1877, contained in Article IV of the Protocol 
between Spain, Germany, and Great Britain, signed in Madrid on March 
7th, 1885: — hence the brevity of the data contained in the communica- 
tions above referred to and even the forbearance of this office from ex- 
pressing a concrete opinion (in any case, not called for) in regard to 
a question as vital as it is complex. But circumstances, which are 
always superior to everv will and every calculation, now make prompt 
action necessary, and not only forbid any delay, but impose upon this 
General Government the duty of emitting an opinion which shall com- 
plement the data furnished by the office of the secretary of the same, 
which data were less extensive and explicit than they would certainly 
have been had not a respect for the free initiative of the Supreme Govern- 
ment acted as a restraining influence. The incident arising out of the 
])resence in the city of Jolo of the British subject Mr. H. W. Dalton, 

' From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 


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from Sandakan, awaiting the arrival of a fleet of boats of light tonnage 
belonging to the English concern, The Pearling and Trading Co. Ltd./ 
of which he is the representative for the purpose of using the same in the 
mother-of-pearl shell fishery, which fact 1 communicated to your Ex- 
cellepcy by cablegram on the 3rd of the current month, makes more 
urgent the sovereign decision in regard to the concrete point as to whether 
foreign subjects are allowed to engage in the pearl fishery in the 
archipelago of Sulu. 

In the judgment of this office (which has, on various occasions, inspired 
only by a regard for the beat interests of the nation, expressed the 
opinion that the Sulu Protocol is too prejudicial to the said interests to 
permit of the points of doubtful interpretation in the same being in- 
terpreted liberally), the point in regard to the right of fishery which 
foreigners lay claim to exercise freely in waters under the jnriodiction of 
our sovereignty, is not a doubtful one at all, but is entirely contrary to 
their pretensions. The claims are founded, according to the statements 
of those who agree with the views which they involve, in Declaration I 
of the said Protocol of 1877, reproduced in the Protocol of 1885 and 
in that signed in Rome in the same year, relating to the Caroline and 
Pelew Archipelagoes. 

This declaration runs as follows — ratified by Article IV of the second 
of these important diplomatic docimients : 

The direct commerce and trade of boats and subjects of Great Britain, of 
Germany, and of the other powers, is declared, and shall be, absolutely free in 
the archipelago of Sulu and in all its parts, as also the right of fishery, without 
prejudice to the rights recognized as belonging to Spain in the present Protocol, 
in conformity with the following declarations « » ♦. 

III. At points occupied by Spain in the archipelago of Sulu, the Spanish 
Government may establish imposts, and sanitary and other regulations of whatever 
kind, during the effective occupation of the said points ♦ ♦ ♦. 

From the transcript it is evident that Spain may regulate the exercise 
of the right of traffic and commerce, not with the purpose of restricting, 
and much less of denying, the principle of commercial liberty recognized 
in Declaration I, but with that of conditioning the exercise of that 
right in such a way that her own riglits as a sovereign nation shall not be 
infringed. And what she may do in regard to mercantile trade, witli 
greater reason she may and should do in everything referring to the 
right of fishery, a right whicli is declared only in general terms, and one 
of which the protocol does not treat except in making the affirmation of 
the principle itself, whereas in regard to commerce, it descends to minute 

And this could not be otherwise, for anything else would be equivalent 
to impairing the sovereignty of Spain; and this, in an agreement in 
which this sovereignty is openly recognized and proclaimed, would pre- 

* The Oearling & Tradln (sic). 

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suppose a contradiction so palpable and absurd that it is not worth while 
even to discuss it. 

Spain, as a sovereign and independent state, holds and exercises her 
sovereignty not only in her territories and on the coasts of the same, but 
in her jurisdictional waters, and can, therefore, regulate the exercise 
therein of any right granted to foreign subjects, and may, even, in the 
exercise of her sovereignty, prohibit the enjoyment of such right alto- 
gether ; this is an indisputable principle of international law, though there 
is nothing to prevent a state from limiting the same in favor of another 
or other states ; but it is a sine' qua non condition to this that there shall 
be an express and clear declaration of her will on this point, and no one 
can reasonably affirm that Spain has made in the Sulu Protocols, 
neither in that of 1877, nor in that of 1885, a total or partial surrender 
of this n"^i>*> in regard to that of fishery ; there is, it is true, a declaration 
in general terms that the fisheries are absolutely free in the archipelago 
of Sulu ; but this absoluteness of the principle is immediately qualified 
by the condition that it shall be without prejudice to the rights recognized 
as belonging to Spain in the protocol, and it has already been pointed out' 
that one of these rights — the principal one and that which contains all 
the others, the right of sovereignty — is proclaimed and recognized at 
the head of the agreement. Outside this declaration in general terms, 
tliere will not be found in all the protocol a provision or regulation 
referring to the exercise of the right of fishery and much less a concrete 
and express declaration on the part of Spain that she will permit the 
exercise thereof freely on her coasts and in her territorial waters. To 
permit of this a concrete, clear, and definite declaration would be neces- 
sary, such as is to be found in the Morocco Treaty, signed on November 
30, 1861, Article 57 of which establishes qualifiedly "That Spanish sub- 
jects shall have a right to fish along the coasts of the Moroccan Empire;" 
and even so, in Article 60 of the same treaty, it is stipulated that, in 
order to facilitate the coral fishery, in which the Spaniards engage on the 
coast of Morocco, fishers shall pay the sum of 150 Spanish dollars for 
each coral fishing boat, and that through the representative of Spain they 
shall request permission from the minister of foreign affaire of His 
Majesty the Sultan who shall issue the necessary authorization. 

From which it may be seen that even in the case of declarations in 
regard to the right of fishery which are concrete, clear and definite, 
there is needed, for the free exercise of the same, something more than 
a declaration in general terms, such as is that contained in the Sulu 
Protocol of 1877. 

Furthermore, it is always customary in international agreements which 
refer to fishery rights to lay down regulations and provisions which shall 
regulate the exercise of such rights, as is proved by a multitude of agree- 
ments, among which are : that already cited of Morocco, that of February 

71296 18 


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18th, 1886, between Spain and France regarding the fishery and naviga- 
tion of the Bidasoa, in which the right of oyster fishing is restricted, its 
absolute prohibition being made possible; as also that of 1889 ratifying 
the preceding one, the Portuguese convention of March 27th of 1893 and 
the coast police and fishery regulations; as well as that of August 22nd 
of 1894, in regard to the fisheries in the waters of the Algarbes, etc.; 
all of which is well known by the illustrious Government of His Majesty, 
and attention is called to it here only in support of the opinion main- 
tained, namely, that the right to authorize, condition, restrict, and even 
prohibit the engagement in fishery on its coast and in its jurisdictional 
waters is inherent in the sovereignty of an independent state; and if it 
has this right in regard to fisheries in general, wdth greater reason must 
it preserve and exercise the same in regard to oyster fisheries, by reason of 
the changes which may be produced in the sea bed, and even for the 
purpose of preserving the breeding grounds of the precious pearl-shell 
mollusk, the Avicula Margaritifera, the banks being the property of the 
nation, and like all its territory, inalienable and non-prescriptible ; both 
so that they shall not be exhausted and that their exploitation may be 
reserved for the national industry. 

From the preceding, written with less detail than would have been 
the case had the pressure of time permitted, it may easily be inferred 
that, in the opinion of this General Government, Spain in spite of 
Declaration I of the Sulu Protocol — perhaps it would be more correct to 
say, by virtue of that very declaration, the terms of which really de- 
termine the meaning of Declaration III and Article I of the Treaty — 
preserves intact her right as a sovereign nation to restrict, condition, 
and even prohibit engagement in the oyster fishery on her coasts and in 
her jurisdictional waters, without further limitations than those which 
she may deem expedient to self-impose. 

Admitting her rights as a sovereign state, there arises a question of 
a political nature, which the circumstances above indicated convert into 
a problem demanding an early resolution. 

To what extent should Spain exercise this right? 

On this point, the views of the General Government will be expressed 
as concisely as possible and with the soberness demanded both by the 
respect due to the high prerogatives of the public authorities and by an 
ignorance of many of the elements which enter into the question, with- 
out a knowledge of which it is difficult to determine to what extent it is 
expedient to restrict the exercise of the right to engage in the oyster 
fisheries which foreign subjects claim to exercise freely in the S\ilu 
archipelago, a pretension which this General Government regards as 
entirely opposed to the rights of Spain and her moral and material in- 
terests in the Far East. Our prestige with the Malay races here, our 
moral influence over these semi-civilized Mohammedan people, who rec- 


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ognize no right or supremacy but tliat of might, demand that Spain, 
as a colonizing nation, shall maintain the integrity of her sovereignty 
and shall not seem to be subjugated to the will of other Powers, as 
would appear if, in her tenitories and on her coasts, with the knowledge 
and peimission of her authorities and of her war ships, and without even 
heeding them, foreigners should perform acts which, like that of engaging 
in the mother-of-pearl fishery, being contrary to our material interests, 
cannot be carried out without paying tribute to the Moro sultans and 
chieftains themselves. 

There is no doubt that the need for preserving cordial relations with 
Germany and p]ngland and for maintaining the most perfect under- 
standing between the European powers in anticipation of some concerted 
action in regard to the Empires of China and of Japan, which will 
render necessary in the future the expansive policy of the latter towards 
the south, as well as the hegemony claimed by the latter in the Orient, 
counsel a circumspect international policy and a moderate exercise of 
our sovereign rights in the archipelago of Sulu; and for this reason, 
perhaps it would be inexpedient to forbid the right of fishery to foreign 
subjects, as such action would certainly give rise to diplomatic questions 
and remonstrances, which should be avoided at any cost; but this Gen- 
eral Government deems it indispensable to condition and r^ulate the 
exercise of this fishery right, especially in so far as it relates to the 
pearl-producing oyster, the exploitation of which should be governed by 
considerations of our prestige and of the advantage and benefit of our 
material interests. Supported therefore by our right of sovereignty, by 
international practice, and by the terms of Declarations I and III of 
the Protocol of 1877 and of Articles 1 and IV of that of 1885, there 
should be issued certain coast police and fishery regulations for the Sulu 
archipelago, laying down clearly the relations which are to exist between 
the Spanish Government and foreign subjects engaging in the fishery 
industries along our coasts and in our jurisdictional waters; which in- 
dustries should not be engaged in, especially in the case of the oyster, 
without the necessary authorization of the Spanish authorities, and after 
the i)a\Tnent of the corresponding industrial patent or license, or of the 
dues which it may be deemed expedient to exact. 

Much more might be said in regard to this important question, as 
unexpectedly presented as it is urgent of resolution, given the conditions 
created by the claim of the British subject ^fr. H. W. Dalton ; and this 
General Government appreciates fully the deficiency of its suggestions, 
which will be advantageously supplemented by the great wisdom of his 
Majesty's Government, its exalted patriotism, and the solicitous care that 
it gives to everything touching the high interests of the nation, by 
wliich elevated sentiments they are inspired. 


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Appendix XXIII 




Colonial Office 

Excellent Sir : Examined by this office of the government the papers 
transmitted by your Excellency with the official communication No. 
1967, of September 16th last, in the question raised by the politico- 
military governor of Sulu, by reason of a communication addressed to 
the same by the office of the commander-general of the naval station at 
Manila, directing the prohibition of the mother-of-pearl fishery in the 
waters of Sulu and the Carolines ; studied also the report of the General 
Government, and that of the council of administration of the Philip- 
pines, and heard also the illustrious opinion of the Department of State, 
to secure which the papers were sent there, accompanied by the Royal 
order of the 7th of January last; bearing in mind that our prestige 
among the natives in those islands would perforce suffer seriously if 
foreigners were to perform, without any intervention on the part of our 
authorities, acts, which, like that of engaging in the mother-of-pearl 
shell fishery, they cannot carry on without paying tribute to the Moro 
Sultans and chieftains; though it is not less true that the absolute 
prohibition of the right of fishery to foreigners would arouse, as wisely 
foreseen by your Excellency, diplomatic remonstrances based upon the 
Protocol of Sulu of March 7th, 1886 ; his Majesty the King (whom God 
protect), the Queen Regent of the Kingdom acting in his name, has 
seen fit to direct that your Excellency be informed that he has seen 
with pleasure the tact and prudence with which this question has been 
dealt with, in the first place by your Excellency, and afterwards by all 
the authorities who have intervened in the same; that so long as the 
representative of the English Pearling and Trading Company, the 
captains of their boats, or other foreigners, do not urge with importunity 
the right to carry on the industry of the mother-of-pearl shell fishery 
within the zone of jurisdictional waters and at occupied places, an 

* From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 


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endeavor must be made to prevent their doing so, in order, if possible, to 
set a precedent favorable to our interests ; and that in the event of their 
insisting, it will be necessary to permit them to engage in the industry 
of the mother-of-pearl fishery, with the obligation to submit in so doing 
to the rules and regulations now in force or which may be put into force 
liereafter. It is also the wish of his Majesty that your Excellency be 
apprised of the expediency of formulating, with the greatest possible 
despatch, coast police and fishery regulations for the archipelagoes of 
Sulu and the Carolines; in which regulations care must be taken not to 
make special mention of the Protocols, nor to recognize expressly the 
rights of foreigners, and, on the other hand, not to depart from the 
terms of the provisions of these international agreements, so that in the 
event of any foreigners claiming the right in question, they shall not be 
able to elude compliance with the regulations by basing their pretensions 
on the terms of the said Protocols ; for all of which your Excellency will 
place yourself in harmony with the competent authorities whose duty it 
is to take cognizance of this matter, submitting afterwards for the 
approbation of this oflSce drafts of the coast police and fishery regulations 
above referred to. 

By Royal order I communicate the above to you for proper action. 

God protect your Excellency many years. 

Madrid, March 23rd, 1896, 

ToMLAS Castellano: rubricated. 

To the Honorable 

the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands. 


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Appendix XXIV 



JANUARY II, 1893* 

Office of the Governok-General of the Philippines 

A seal with the inscription: "Office of the Captain-General of the 
Philippines. Headquarters." 

Excellent Sir : At all times the condition of the unsubdued regions 
of the island of Mindanao and, in general, of the whole archipelago, 
has occupied the close attention of the Governors-General of these 
Islands, and they have studied, according to their respective views, the 
best methods for the complete subjection of the same. 

For my part, I have meditated deeply upon every thing relating to 
this important matter, and judging both from past experience and from 
observations that I have been able to make personally, as I apprised your 
Excellency after my return from a visit to the aforementioned island on 
May 29th last, I believe it is evident that the adoption of the same 
system for the subjection of different races will not be productive of good 
resujts. In the island of Luzon, a properly understood policy of con- 
ciliation, accompanied by slight displays of force, will be successful in 
conciliating and subduing the people sooner or later; for it may be 
observed at once that here there does not exist that great racial an- 
tagonism which nearly always makes compromise impossible. Such a 
policy, linked with prudence and particularly with justice on the part 
of the delegates of authority, will always be productive of great results, 
aside from the fact that there are here many villages whose inhabitants 
are not warlike, but, on the contrary, are docile, and await only some 
slight indication on our part to regard us as protectors and allies against 
their enemies. 

Much has already been done in this direction, as is shown by the many 
politico-military provinces existing in this island; but we should not 
stop in this island of progress; and in order to carry forward and con- 
summate the complete subjugation of the extensive districts not yet sub- 
dued, troops must be detailed, — not in very large numbers, but still in 

* From the Division of Archives, Executive Bureau, Manila. 


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numbers sufficiently large to affect appreciably the service, equally neces- 
sary in other regions of the archipelago. This is one of the reasons 
which make requisite an increase in the army force stationed here; 
furtlier, if the number of the comandancms ^ is to be increased, it is 
obvious that, in order to garrison them, more troops are needed. 

1 have pointed out the need there is for employing different methods 
for the subjection of the different races; and in fact, in regard to the 
races inhabiting Mindanao, I believe that it is obvious and unquestion- 
able that favorable results will never be secured without employing 
methods other than those of attraction. 

The Moro race is completely antithetic to the Spanish, whether the 
latter be peninsular or indigenous, and will ever be our eternal enemy. 

The past proves clearly that those ostensible and ephemeral submis- 
sions, apparently guaranteed by oaths and agreements, do not bind the 
Moros in the slightest degree; for, knowing nothing of the first prin- 
ciples of good-faith and loyalty, they do not hesitate to break their 
promises whenever a favorable opportunity offers and they think it 
possible to defeat our troops. They make a pretense of being trusting 
and attentive even to our smallest suggestions, but they are always 
watching for a good chance to open up hositilities, and will resort to 
treason and cunning. 

For these reasons it is well that they should know that we are the 
stronger; that our friendship suits their interests because we are "backed 
by force — which is the only argimient they can understand; that their 
friendship is of no moment to us; and that the instant they antagonize 
us, they will be promptly and severely punished. 

Having taken up this point of view, the policy that we should adopt 
may be inferred. 

It is not necessary to undertake operations on. a large scale, or to 
open what might be termed a regular compaign, as has been done every 
two or three years in the past; but, with our troops established at a 
number of fortified places, it may be seen at once from what has been 
said above, that we ought to maintain them there at any cost, and that, 
abandoning an attitude entirely passive, we should advance little by 
little in our conquest, always establishing ourselves firmly on the terri- 
tory conquered. In this way we shall, step by step, bring under our 
dominion a large area of territor^^ at the same time extending our sphere 
of influence towards the interior. Given the conditions above described, 
it will be understood at once how much we should lose in importance in 
the eyes of such an enemy if, in response to their frequent attacks, we 
confined ourselves entirely to a defensive policy, for they would interpret 
such an attitude as an indication of weakness ; consequently it is impos- 

1 A term used by the Spaniards to designate certain governmental districts in the 


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sible for us to maintain an attitude of inactivity : rather, taking advan- 
tage of the treacherous conduct of the enemy, we should castigate them 
by means of rapid and unexpected excursions lasting a few days, and for 
this purpose it is indispensable that small columns of troops be stationed 
at two or three well chosen points. 

That the Moros are not disposed to be our friends is evident: and 
while frequent examples in the history of these islands, in addition to 
what has been said above, are sufficient to prove this assertion, it is 
further corroborated by the many despatches I have addressed to your 
Excellency, apprising ^ you of the attacks made by the Moros upon our 
troops and especially of the incidents which have taken place during 
the last months of tbe year 1892. These I will recapitulate succinctly, 
as they show that, far from breaking the rebels, the events have only 
increased their strength. 

On the morning of October 28th, while a reconnaissance was being 
made at the post of Baras, the detachment making the same was attacked 
by some fifty or sixty Moros, who were awaiting them in ambush. The 
latter were, however, repulsed, and our troops being reenforced by a 
detachment from the fort, the enemy fled, leaving five dead on the field, 
besides two spears, three krises, three kampilan, and two daggers, the 
losses on our side being one dead and five wounded. 

On the morning of November 9th, again at the time of making a 
reconnaissance, at the post of Malabang, our men were attacked by some 
sixty Moros, who, being repulsed, fled, leaving six dead on the field — 
three others dying later, according to reports received — besides four 
kampilan, three krises, one iahas, one lance, and four daggers; the 
losses pf our side being one soldier killed and six wounded. 

These two posts being afterwards visited by the military commander 
of Illana Bay and the politico-military governor of Mindanao, by reason 
of reports having been received that some thousand Moros had banded 
together for the purpose of attacking these two places, they informed 
me that excellent discipline prevailed among the troops of the said 
garrisons, and that the Moros must have beaten a retreat, ' since they 
had not been seen in that country. 

On my part I have directed that the greatest possible vigilance, care, 
and watchfulness be exercised at all the posts, never losing sight of the 
fact that they are always in the presence of the enemy, as is proved by 
the frequency with which they have been attacked. I have ordered, 
further, that, when making reconnaissances or upon any other occasion 
when it is necessary to separate a detachment from the main body, the 
greatest number of soldiers that the circumstances permit be employed, 
so as to prevent a surprise or ambuscade, which aside from the direct 
loss that it entails, might have the effect of demoralizing the troops, and 


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SO of increasing the boldness and temerity of the enemy; I have given 
special instructions, too, that the oflficers display in the field the greatest 
possible energy, so as to keep up the spirits and confidence of the men. 

In the northern portion of Mindanao, between Iligan and Mumungan 
the Moros have also been active in making attacks, and although beaten 
in every case, thanks to the good discipline prevailing among the men 
and the judgment shown by the officers, who inspire the former with 
confidence and afford them a good example at all times, they still hope 
to have better luck in their future raids, as is proved by the despatches 
received from the politico-military commander of Mumungan. These 
despatches show that our soldiers no longer fear the Moro race, nor 
even the Juramentados ; and that our men always await the attack of 
the enemy with great calmness and bravery, as is shown by the accounts 
of the frequent ambuscades laid and surprises attempted by the Moros. 
Already at the beginning of 1892 the attitude of the sultans and datus in 
the neighborhood of Mumungan was so questionable that Captain Abad, 
then commander of the fort there, having attempted to go up the river 
Agus, accompanied by only one officer and four men — thus in the guise 
of absolute peace — Datu Ala, of Balud, who is now our friend, stopped 
him when he approached his territory, telling him that although he 
wished to live at peace with us, he could not allow him to advance further, 
nor any part of our troops to do so. In spite of this, two months after 
this incident. General Castilla, following closely my instructions, and 
taking advantage of the circumstance foreseen by me — that upon his 
arrival at Mumungan he was visited by the neighboring datus and sultans, 
including the Sultan of Pantar, he announced to the latter, acting under 
instructions from me, his intention of returning the friendly visit. 
Leaving Mumungan early, in spite of a continuous heavy rain storm, 
he reached Pantar at about eleven in the morning without making any 
stop, accompanied by Ala and another datu, and while he was holding an 
affectionate interview with the Sultan of Pantar and the troops were 
resting, the captain of engineers, Navarro, made a clandestine inspection 
of the ground and took a rough sketch of the best site for the future fort, 
close to a bridge that can be built across the river Agus, with a turret or 
rough defensive fortification on the opposite bank; this done. General 
Castilla returned that same afternoon to Mumungan, which he reached 
before night, without having fired a shot, in spite of the predictions of 
the datus that he might easily meet with resistance on the road. 

Later, all the datus living in the region lying between Pantar and 
Iligan reiterated to me, personally, in May last, at Mumungan, and later 
to the military commander, their protestations of adhesion to Spain. 
Afterwards there came the visit that a goodly number of datus, among 
them the Datu of Pantar, made me in Manila, where they remained 


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and were entertained during fifteen days; and with the consistent ap- 
proval of these, the road from Iligan to Mumungan was built, in eon- 
sequence of which work the weekly attendance of Moros at the market of 
Iligan increased, and the Datu of Bukamar and anotlier from Marawi 
presented themselves in that place. Thither also the Datu Amay-Pakpak, 
now an old man, promised to send his son. The concurrence of Moros 
at that place w^as further increased by the assistance that was given to a 
wounded Moro; until, at last, a solemn oath of allegiance was secured, 
being taken, in the presence of the aforementioned military commander, 
by a great number of datus and sultans, in accordance with their ritual. 

On November 8th, the military commander of Mumungan, under the 
pretext of a wedding to which the Datu of Pantar had invited him and 
which he attended, made an inspection of the country in the neighbor- 
hood of the said rancheria ^ of Pantar, lying to the south of Mumungan, 
and had an opportunity of seeing that, in conformity with the reports I 
had received, Pantar possessed advantageous conditions for the establish- 
ment there of another advance fort, the construction of which could be 
commenced upon the continuation and completion up to that point of 
the new road built from Iligan to Mumungan. But in spite of the 
good intentions of the military commander not to break into hostilities 
except in the last resort, in accordance with the positive instructions I 
had given him, he was unable to prevent his troops being attacked upon 
the return journey, and therefore they opened fire upon the enemy; 
which proves once again the difficulty of following the path of conciliation 
and attraction with an enemy who pays absolutely no heed to reason; in 
spite of the fact that with this method there had been joined that of 
warning the neighboring Moros -who profess to be so friendly, that the 
only genuine proof of adhesion to which I should give credit would be that 
of the moral and collective support of all of them against any act of 
aggression witjiin their territory committed by Moros from other ran- 
cherias, whether in large or in small numbers. 

On November 25th I was informed by the same military commander 
that, while the convoy was transferring supplies from Mumungan to 
Iligan, there appeared a juramentado, who attempted to wound a soldier ; 
but the latter, waiting for him with great calmness, defended himself 
valiantly, and the Moro was despatched with the assistance of some other 
soldiers who came upon the scene. 

On the 10th of December I was informed that a detachment of the 
troops stationed at Mumungan, while on its way to the market of Iligan 
was attacked by a body of fourteen juramentddos who, however, were 
repulsed with a loss of two killed, while, on our side, one man was lost. 

At Baras, also, while making the reconnaissance on December 10th 

1 Settlement 

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there appeared a band of Moros in an attitude of hostility ; but they were 
compelled to retire at the first volley from our troops. Nevertheless, two 
juramentados separated themselves from the main body and attacked an 
equal number of our men ; the latter awaited them firmly and killed them 
with bayonet thrusts. Another Moro was also slain while attempting 
a precipitate flight. Recently, on the 15th of December, the military 
commander of Mumungan, hearing of the intentions of the enemy, which 
were far from peaceable, determined, in order to guard against all con- 
tingencies, to continue the extension of the road and to complete and close 
the palisade around the new inclosure at the fort, made so as to accom- 
modate the increased number of troops. For the first of these two 
purposes,, he left the fort at half past ihe in the moraing, well-amied and 
ready to punish the Moros if they presented themselves, setting out 
with one hundred and fifty men of the 73rd regiment and sixteen convicts, 
besides a corporal and eight persons of the 73rd in charge of a company 
of engineers, another company of the 73rd and sixty convicts, who 
marched without arms and equipped for work. 

At ten o'clock in the morning the advance guard reached the entrance 
to the wood, and as the intention was to collect lumber that had already 
been cut and dragged to the road, the troops advanced. At this moment 
there appeared in the middle of the road some eight hundred Moros 
brandishing their arms and 'uttering war-cries, who immediately retired 
to some defensive works which they had constructed out of the very logs 
above referred to. In view of this, our troops continued their march, 
opening fire at about one hundred yards from the defensive works of 
the enemy, and in a little while, captured the same, routing the defenders, 
afi well as some more of the enemy who appeared on the two flanks of 
the column, causing some eighty deaths; on our side we had one killed 
and two wounded convicts. After this incident, the said military com- 
mander made his way to Iligan without suffering any attack, in spite 
of the fact that the Moros had constructed other defensive works on the 
road, which latter were destroyed without any casualties. 

The conduct of the troops on this march was brilliant, and I wish to 
recommend to the consideration of your Excellency those who especially 
distinguished themselves; but I have again directed the military com- 
mander of Muniungan to avoid as far as possible all necessity for fresh 
combats, extending, but without any compromise of dignity, tlie policy 
of conciliation which I have so strongly recommended to him. 

From all the above your Excellency will understand with how much 
foresight I requested from the Government of his Majesty, on the 24th 
of April last, permission to place on a war footing as many of the seven 
regiments which make up the infantry in these Islands as had not yet 
been placed on this footing, setting forth the estimated cost of the same 


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LA T0KKE\S policy IN MINDANAO • 391 

in the plans which I sent for approval, and if the increase was necessary 
then, it is evident that at the present time it is much more necessary; 
for, as your Excellency will see from what 1 have communicated to you 
in this extensive document, the condition of the Moros, justifying the 
predictions made hy me at that time, has become steadily more hostile 
as they never rest nor miss any opportunity of causing us the greatest 
possible harm, endeavoring to obstruct all the work we plan to carry out 
for the improvement of the means of communication between our present 
possessions; and while it is true that they are not successful in their 
attempts, still we must put a stop to their increasing audacity. 

I take the liberty again to call the attention of your Excellency to 
the absolute necessity of placing on a war footing the three regiments 
now on a footing of peace, in accordance with the permission already 
granted by the Department — without waiting until next July. In this 
way, without undertaking a regidar campaign, as I have already stated, 
and without expense to the Government, it will be possible to improve the 
present condition of things, which is gradually becoming somewhat dis- 
creditable to the honor of the flag. I do not doubt that your Excellency 
will so understand it, and 1 thank you in advance, in the name of this 
suffering anuy, for the inmiediate concession of the credit necessary for 
the reenforcement above mentioned. God protect your Excellency many 

Manila, January 11th, ISOS. 

Most p]xcellent Sir: — Eulogio Despojol. — Followed by a rubric. The 
most Excellent the Minister of War. — A copy. — The Acting Colonel in 
Command of lleadcpiarters. — Pedro de Bascaran. — A seal with the in- 
scription: "Office of the Captain-General of the Philippines. — Head- 

A copy. — Luis de la Torre : rubricated. 


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c BUREAU OF Science 

Division of Ethnology Publications 
Volume IV, Part ll 








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1 No. 1, 1902, Biological Laboratory. — Preliminary Report of the Appearance in the 
Philippine Islands of a Disease Clinically Resembling Glanders. By R. P. Strong, M. D. 

No. i, 1902, Chemical Laboratory. — The Preparation of Benzoyl-Acetyl Peroxide and 
Its Use as an intestinal Antiseptic in Cholera and Dysentery. Preliminary Notes. By 
Paul C. Freer, M. D.. Ph. D. 

^No. S, 1908, Biological Laboratory. — A Preliminary Report on Trypanosomiasis of 
Horses in the Philippine Islands. By w. E. Musgrave, M. D., and Norman B. Williamson. 

^No. Jk, 1908, Berum Laboratory. — Preliminary Report on the Study of Rinderpest of 
Cattle and Carabaos in the Philippine Islands. By James W. Jobling, M. D. 

^ No. 6, 1908, Biological Laboratory. — ^Trypanosoma and Tnrpanosomiasis, with Special 
Reference to Surra in the Philippine Islands. By W. B. Musgave, M. D., and Moses 
T. Clegg. 

^No. 6, 1908. — New and Noteworthy Plants, I. The American Blement In the Philip- 
pine Flora. By Blmer D. Merrill, Botanist. (Issued January 20, 1904.) 

^No. 7, 1908, Chemical Laboratory. — The Outta Percha and Rubber of the Philippine 
Islands. By Penoyer L. Sherman, Jr., Ph. D. 

^No. 8, 1908. — ^A Dictionary of the Plant Names of the Philippine Islands. By Elmer 
D. Merrill, Botanist 

^No. 9, 1908, Bioloaical and Serum Laboratories. — ^A Report on Hsemorrhagic Septi- 
csBmla in Animals in the Philippine Islands. By Paul G. Woolley. M. D., and J. W. 
Jobling, M. D. 

1 No. 10, 1908, Biological Laboratory. — Two Cases of a Peculiar Form of Hand Infection 
(Due to an Organism Resembling the Koch- Weeks Bacillus). By John R. McDill, M. D., 
and Wm. B. Wherry. M. D. 

1 No. 11. 1908, Biological Laboratory. — ^Entomological Division. Bulletin No. 1 : Prelimi- 
nary Bulletin on Insects of the Cacao. (Prepared Especially for the Benefit of Farmers.) 
By Charles S. Banks, Bntomologlst. 

^ No. 12, 1908, Biological Laboratory. — ^Report on Some Pulmonary Lioslons Produced by 
the Bacillus of Hsmorrhaglc Septicsmia of Carabaos. By Paul G. Woolley, M. D. 

No. 18, 1904, Biological Laboratory. — ^A Fatal Infection by a Hitherto Undescribed 
(3hromogenic Bacterium: Bacillus Aureus Fcetidus. By Maximilian Herzog, M. D. 

^ No. Ih, 190k. — Serum Laboratory : Texas Feyer in the Philippine Islands and the Far 
Bast. By J. W. Jobling, M. D., and Paul G. Woolley, M. D. Biological Laboratory: 
Entomological Division, Bulletin No. 2". The Australian Tick (Boophilus Australis Fuller) 
in the Philippine Islands. By Charles S. Banks, Entomologist. 

No. IS, lyOJf, Biological and Serum Laboratories. — ^Report on Bacillus Violaceus Ma- 
nilas: A pathogenic Mlcro-Organlsm. By Paul G. Woolley, M. D. 

1 No. 16, 1904, Biological Laboratory. — Protective Inoculation Against Asiatic Cholera : 
An Experimental Study. By Richard P. Strong, M. D. 

No. 17, 190^.— New or Noteworthy Philippine Plants, II. By Blmer D. Merrill. Botanist, 

^No. 18, 1904^Biological Laboratory. — ^I. Amebas: Their Cultivation and Btiologic 
Significance. By W. B. Musgrave. M. D., and Moses T. Clegg. II. The Treatment of 
Intestinal Amoebiasis (Amoebic Dysentery) in the Tropics. By W. E. Musgrave, M. D. 

No. 19, 1904, Biologiaa Laboratory. — Some Observations on the Biology of the Cholera 
Spirillum. By w. B. Wherry, M. D. 

No. 20, 1904. — Biological Laboratory: I. Does Latent or Dormant Plague Exist Where 
the Disease is Endemic? By Maximilian Herzog, M. D.. and Charles B. Hare. Serum 
Laboratory: II. Broncho-Pneumonia of Cattle: Its Association with B. Bovisepticus. 
By Paul G. Woolley, M. D., and Walter Sorrell. D. V. S. III. Pinto (Palio Blanco). By 
Paul G. Woolley, M. D. Chemical Laboratory: IV. Notes on Analysis of the Water from 
the Manila Water Supply. By Charles L. Bliss, BfL S. Serum Laiboratory : V. Frambossia : 
Its Occurrence in Natives in the Philippine Islands. By Paul G. Woolley, M. D. 

No. 21, 1904, Biological Laboratory. — Some Questions Relating to the Virulence of 
Micro-Organisms with Particular Reference to Their Immunizing Powers. By Richard 
P. Strong. M. D. 

No. 22, 1904, Bureau of Oavemment L<a)oratoriea. — I. A Description of the New Build- 
ings of the Bureau of (Sovemment Laboratories. By Paul C. Freer, M. D., Ph. D. II. A 
Ct^alogue of the Library of the Bureau of Government Laboratories. By Mary Polk, 

^No. 28, 1904, Biological Laboratory. — ^Plague: Bacteriology, Morbid Anatomy, and 
Histopathology (Including a Consideration of Insects as Plague Carriers). By Maximilian 
Herzog, M. D. 

No. 24, 1904, Biological Laboratory. — Glanders : Its Diagnosis and Prevention (Together 
with a Report on Two Cases of Human Glanders Occurring in Manila and Some Notes on the 
Bacteriology and Polymorphism of Bacterium Mallei). By William B. Wherry, M. D. 

No, 25, 1904.* — Birds from the Islands of Romblon. Sibuyan. and Cresta de Gallo. By 
Richard C. Mc(}regor. 

No. 26, 1904, Biological Laboratory. — The Clinical and Pathological Significance of 
Balantidium Coll. By Richard P. Strong, M. D. 

No. 27, 1904. — ^A Review of the Identification of the Species Described in Blanco's 
Flora de Filipinas. By Elmer D. Merrill, Botanist. 

No, 28, 1904. — ^' The PolypodlacesB of the Philippine Islands. II. Edible Philippine 
Fungi. By Edwin B. Copeland. Ph. D. 

No, 29. 1904. — I. New or Noteworthy Philippine Plants. III. II. The Source of Manila 
Elemi. By Elmer D. Merrill. Botanist 

No. 80, 1906, Chemical Laboratory. — ^I. Autocalytlc Decomposition of Silver Oxide. 
II. Hydration in Solution. By Gilbert N. Lewis. Ph. D. 

No. 81, 1905, Biological Laboratory. — I. Notes on a Case of HsBmatochyluria (Together 
with Some Observations on the Morphology of the Embryo Nematode. Filaria Nocturna). 
By William B. Wherry, M. D., and John R. McDlll, M. D.. Manila. P. I. II. A Search 
Into the Nitrate and Nitrite Ck>ntent of Witte's "Peptone." with Special Reference to Its 
Influence on the Demonstration of the Indol and (3holera-Red Reactions. By William B. 
Wherry. M. D. 

^ Out of print 

> The first four bulletins in the ornithological series were published by the Ethnological 
Survey under the title "Bulletins of the Philippine Museum." Later ornithological 
publications of the Government appeared as publications of the Bureau of Government 

(Concluded on third page of cover.) 

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(Concluded from second paire of cover.) 

No. St, 1906. — Biological Laboratory: I. Intestinal Hsmorrfaage as a Fatal Com- 

§lication m Amoebic Dysentery and Its Association with Liver Abscess. By Richard 
\ Strong, M. D. II. The Action of Various Chemical Substances upon Cultures of 
Amoeba. By J. B. Thomas. M. D., Baguio, Benguet Biological and Berum L<iboratorie9 : 
III. The Pathology of Intestinal AmoBbiasls. By Paul Q. Woolley, M. D., and W. B. 
Musgrave, M. D. 

No. SS, 1905, Biological Laboratory. — ^Further Observations on Fibrin Thrombosis 
In the Glomerular and In Other Renal Vessels in Bubonic Plague. By Maximilian 
Herxog, M. D. 

^No. S4, 1908. — ^I. Birds from Mindoro and Small Adjacent Islands. II. Notes on 
Three Rare Luson Birds. By Richard C. McGregor. 

No. S5, 1906. — I. New or Noteworthy PhUippine Plants. IV. II. Notes on CuminK's 
Philippine Plants in the Herbarium of the Bureau of Government Laboratories^ IlL 
Hackel. "Notes on Philippine Grasses." IV. Ridley. "Scitimlnea Phllippinenses." V. 
Cfarke. "Philippine Acanthaces." By Blmer D. Merrill, Botanist. 

No. S6, 1905.— 'A Hand-List of the Birds of the PhUippine Islands. By Richard C. 
McGregor and Dean C. Worcester. 


1890. — De8cripci6n flslca, geol6glca y minora en bosquejo de la Isla de Panay por 
D. Bnrique Abella y Casariego. Inspector General de Minas del Archipi61ago. 

1890. — Memoria deecriptiva de los manantiales minero-medicinales de la Isla de Luzon, 
estudiados por la comisidn compuesta de los Seftores D. Jos6 Centeno. Ingeniero de Minas 
y Vocal Presidente. D. Anacleto del Rosario y Sales. Vocal Farmacdutico, y D. Jos6 de 
Vera v 06meiK, Vocal M6dico. 

189S. — ^Bstudio descriptive de algunos manantiales mlnerales de Filipinas ejecutado 
por la comlsi6n formada por D. Enrique Abella y Casariego, Inspector General de Minas 
D. Jos6 de Vera y G6mez. Medico, y D. Anacleto del Rosario y Sales. Farmac6utico ; 
preoBdido de un prOlogo escrito por el Ezcmo. Sr. D. Angel de Avil6s, Director General 
de Administracidn Civil. 

J 895.— ^erremotoe ezperimentados en la Isla de LuzOn durante los meees de Marso y 
Abril de'1882. especlalmente desastrosos en PangasinAn, Uni6n y Benguet. Estudlo ejecu- 
tado por D. Bnrique Abella y Casariego. Inspector General de Minas del Archlpifilago. 

1901.'—^he Coal Measures of the Philippines. Charles H. Burrltt. 

1902. — ^Abstract of the Mining Laws (in foroe in the Philippines, 1902). Charles H. 

1909, BuUetin No. 1. — ^Platinum and Associated Rare Metals in Placer Formations. 
H. D. McCaskey, B. S. 

190S. — ^Report of the Chief qf the Mining Bureau of the Philippine Islands. Charles 
H. Burritt. 

190S, Bulletin No. £. — Complete List of Spanish Mining Claims Recorded in the Mining 
Bureau. Charles H. Burrltt 

190S, Bulletin No. S. — ^Report on a Geological Reconnoissance of the Iron Region of 
Angat. Bulacan. H. D. McCaskey, B. S. 

190i. — Fifth Annual Report of the Mining Bureau. H. D. McCaskey. 

1905. — Sixth Annual Report of the Chief of the Mining Bureau. H. D. McCaskey. 

1905, Bulletin No. 4. — ^A Preliminary Reconnoissance of the Mancayan-Suyoc Mineral 
Region, Lepanto. P. I. A. J. Bveland, Geologist. 

1905, Bulletin No. 6, — ^The Coal Deposits of Batan Island. Warren D. Smith, B. S., 
M. A., Geologist 


1908. — ^The Mineral Resources of the Philippine Islands, with a Statement of the 
Production of Commercial Mineral Products during the year 1907, issued by Warren D. 
Smith, Chief of the Division of Mines. 


Vol. I. — The Bontoc Igorot, by Albert Bmest Jenks. Paper, K ; half morocco, PS. 

Tol. II. Part 1.— Negritos of Zambales, by WUUam Alien Reed. Paper, P0.50; half 
morocco, Fl.50. 

Vol. II. Part £ and Part S. — The Nabaloi Dialect, by Otto Scheerer. The Bataks of 
Palawan, oy Edward Y. Miller. (Bound also In one volimie with Part 1. Negritos of 
Zambales.) Paper, P0.60 ; half morocco. P1.60. Combined, half morocco, P3. 

1 Vol. III. — ^Relaciones Agustlnianas de las razas del Norte de Luzdn, by P6rez. Paper, 
P0.75 : half morocco. P2. 

Vol. rv. Part 1. — Studies in Moro History, Law, and Religion, by Najeeb li. Saleeby. 
Paper, P0.50 ; half morocco, P1.50. 


Vol. rv. Part 2. — The History of Sulu, by Najeeb M. Saleeby. Paper, W..50. 

Vol. y. Part 1 and Part 2. — ^The Batan Dialect as a Member of Uie Philippine Group 
of Malayan Languages, by Otto Scheerer. F and V in Philippine Iianguages, by 0. B. 
Conant Paper, rl.60. 

Directions for Ethnographic ObBenratlohs and Colleotioas, 1908. For free distribution. 

All the above publications which are for sale may be obtained from the Director of 
Printing, Manila, P. I. All publications for free distribution may be obtained from the 
Librarian, Bureau of Science. Manila. P. I. Correspondents will confer a favor by 
returning to the Library of the Bureau of Science any bulletins which they may have 
in duplicate, as there Is a considerable demand for bulletins out of print. 

> Out of print 

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The Philippine Journal of Science 

, Edited by 
PAUL C. FREER, M. D., Ph. D. 

The ^^Philippine Journal of Science" is issued as follows: 

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The entire ^Uoumal" $5, United States currency, per year. 

Single numbers, 50 cents. United States currency. 

Authors receive 100 copies of their paper free. 

The numbers in each section will appear as rapidly as material is avail- 
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may be sent to the DIRECTOR OF PRINTING, Mamla, P. I. 


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{fjopjTlghttd in the PhlUppine Islands, September, 1907. Entered at tbe post-oAoe 
at Manila, P. I., as second-olass matter.) 

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